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THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

DURING THE 

CIVIL WAE AND KECONSTMCTION 



BY 

OLYNTHUS B. CLARK, A. M. 

Proffessor of History in Drake University 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

in the 

FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF 

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



THE CLIO PRESS 

IOWA CITY, IOWA 

1911 






In Exchange. 

DEC 30 19H 



PREFACE 

This work is intended to be a contribution to the 
history of politics in Iowa, during the period from 
1860 to 1873, and more especially, through the State 
as a unit, to throw light upon the National situation. 
It aims to show the attitude of the State toward the 
National issues and the part played therein. It traces 
the changes in political opinion and the attendant 
party reorganizations. Thus is followed the solidar- 
ity of the Republican party, the shifting policy of the 
Democracy, the question of a "Union" party with 
the attendant third-party, fusion schemes, to the cul- 
mination of the reconstruction issues in the Liberal 
Movement. Since the particular field is unworked, it 
has seemed best to follow, in the main, the chrono- 
logical method of treatment. 

The study is the outgrowth of investigation into the 
politics of the northern States, during the period of 
the Civil War and Reconstruction, being carried on 
by Professor William A. Dunning of Columbia Uni- 
versity. In the preparation of this work, the author 
is indebted to Professor Dunning, not only for his 
inspiration in its writing, but for his careful reading 
and revision of the manuscript. Special mention is 
due Mr. Fred K. Deming, sometime student of the 
writer, for his aid rendered in the gathering of data. 
The writer himself is responsible for the many short- 
comings of the work. 

O. B. C. 
April 22, 1911. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



CHAPTER 



CHAPTER II. 



CHAPTER III. 



CHAPTER IV. 



CHAPTER V. 



Introduction: The Ante-Bellum Polit- 
ical Transformation op Iowa — 1854 to 
1859. 1 

Political parties and their contest for the 
control of the State — Study of elections — 
Leading men — The new Constitution — 
Break-up of the Democracy — The political 
situation. 
Political Parties in 1860. 14 

Iowa in the National Conventions — The 
State nominating conventions — The four 
party tickets — The campaign — The Wide- 
awakes — The election — Study of the vote. 
Post-Election Issues. 54 

Attitude toward secession — Formation of 
opinion — Republicans generally united 
against — Democracy divided — Attitude to- 
ward compromise — Republican position 
one of opposition — Democrats generally 
favor compromise. 
Iowa's Defense of the Union. 74 

The first ' ' Union ' ' movements — Demo- 
crats hold ' ' Union ' ' meetings and favor con- 
ciliation — The Republicans inaugurate the 
policy of coercion — Non-partisan response 
to call to arms — The extra session of the 
legislature, 1861 — Politics — Iowa on a war 
footing. 
Political Readjustment of 1861. 105 

The question of party reorganization — 
The Democracy — Republicans — The party 
conventions — A " People 's ' ' party — Ques- 
tion of a "Union" party — Second series of 
State conventions — Attitude of Republicans 
— The fusion movement — Election. 



CHAPTER VI. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Political Solidarity of 1862. 134 

Preliminaries of the party conventions — 
The Ninth General Assembly — Indictments 
for treason — Political situation — The State 
conventions of 1862 — No third party — Is- 
sues of the canvass — Question of the soldier 
vote — Attitude toward emancipation — 
Election. 

The Republican Party, the ' ' Party op the 
Union". . . 172 

Position of the Republicans in 1863 — 
Maintenance of their organization — The 
' ' Party of the Union ' ' — State convention — 
Course of the Democracy — Party divided 
but maintains organization — Democrats 
again swap candidates — The campaign — 
The soldier vote — Election of 1863. 



Chapter I 

INTEODUCTION: THE ANTE-BELLUM POLIT- 
ICAL TRANSFORMATION OF IOWA 

1854-1859 

The political transformation of Iowa during the decade 
preceding the Civil War is one of the land-marks of the 
State's history. By 1858 the change from the old Demo- 
cratic regime to the dominance of the Republican party 
was complete. Although slight changes appear before, 
this transformation practically began in 1854 by the elec- 
tion of a Whig Governor, James W. Grimes, and ended 
in 1859 in the choice of Samuel J. Kirkwood, over the 
Democratic veteran, Augustus C. Dodge. Within these 
five years the Republican party supplanted the compro- 
mising Whig party and became the champion of the is- 
sues against the now time-serving Democracy. Before 
the end of the decade the Republicans came to control the 
administrative offices of the State, both branches of the 
legislature, the judicial offices, and the vast complex of 
local functionaries. They then retired the Democratic 
members of Iowa from the House of Representatives and 
the United States Senate. 

But while the Republican supremacy was real and the 
political transformation of the State was complete, yet 
the Republican majorities were not beyond the danger 
mark. There was always present the possibility of an 
overthrow in any active and determined campaign which 
the Democrats might inaugurate — a fact not always 
realized or at least acknowledged by partisans. In fact 



2 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the Republican majorities — often pluralities — were not 
large and overwhelming until in the election of 1860. But 
before that, the Democrats, notwithstanding the enervat- 
ing discords within their party, were gradually regaining 
their lost ground, as is seen in the election of 1859, espe- 
cially for members of the legislature. To comprehend the 
situation more fully it is necessary to make at least a 
hasty examination of the votes during the period. 

The votes for State officers show, from the first inroads 
upon Democratic supremacy, a fairly consistent, though 
small, gain. The Republican increase, however, in 1855 
and in 1856 was marked by an unusually large majority, 
after which the Democrats held their opponents to a de- 
clining majority. In the State election of 1854 Mr. 
Grimes, a Whig, won the governorship over Mr. Curtis 
Bates, Democratic candidate, by a majority of 2,120 votes 
in a total of 54,504.* The Democrats, it should be noted, 
saved their position partially by electing three of their 
candidates for State office. In the off-year State election 
of 1855 the combining anti-Nebraska forces carried the 
State by the large average majority of more than 4,400. 2 
Again in 1856 3 the Republicans pushed their majority to 
7,467 over the Democrats, Elijah Sells defeating George 
Snyder for Secretary of State. This was the highest 
point reached before 1860. 

The year 1857 is memorable in Iowa for political cam- 

1 Election Archives for 1854. 

2 The vote of 1855 was as follows: — 

Commissioner of Des Moines Eiver Improvement: William McKay, 
24,743; O. D. Tisdale, 20,001; J. H. Bonney, 19. Eegister of Des Moines 
Eiver Improvement : J. C. Lockwood, 24,243 ; William F. Dewey, 20,323 ; 
Anson Hart, 61. Eegister of State Land Office: Anson Hart, 24,487; B. 
H. Samuels, 20,046. 

3 Vote for Secretary of State in 1856 : Eepublican, 40,387 ; Democratic, 
32,920. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 3 

paigns and elections. Three times did the people rally 
at the polls. The first time was in the spring, when the 
Democrats triumphantly elected their candidate, Maturin 
L. Fisher, to the office of Superintendent of Public In- 
struction. In August the new State Constitution was 
ratified ; and in October legislative and executive officials 
were elected, the Republicans winning in both contests. 
In the gubernatorial election Ralph P. Lowe won over 
Ben M. Samuels by a plurality of 2,410 in a total vote of 
75,592 ; while a third-party candidate appeared in the per- 
son of the Know-Nothing nominee, J. F. Henry, who 
polled 1006 votes. The Republican majority was thus 
only 1,404. 4 The next year, however, the Republicans 
won back their losses in the reelection of Mr. Sells over 
Samuel Douglass by a majority of 3,548. 5 This it will be 
seen was a larger majority than the Republicans secured 
in the congressional elections, due probably to both the 
non-political character of the office and the efficiency and 
popularity of Mr. Sells on the one hand, and the tensity 
of the issues involved in the congressional elections on 
the other. But the Republican majority was again re- 
duced in the fight for the Governorship in 1859, Samuel 
J. Kirkwood's majority over the vote for Augustus C. 
Dodge being only 2,964 in a total of 110,048 votes. 6 

The gradual Republicanization of the State is clearly 
seen in the congressional elections. The first real invasion 
of the lower house of Congress occurred in the Second 
District in 1852, when the Whig candidate, John P. Cook, 
was elected over Lincoln Clark, the Democratic nominee. 

* Vote for Governor in 1857: Bepublican, 38,498; Democratic, 36,088; 
American, 1,006. 

s Vote for Secretary of State in 1858 : Republican, 49,135 ; Democratic, 
45,587. 

e Vote for Governor : Republican, 56,506 ; Democratic, 53,542. 



4 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Then in 1854 7 the Iowa Whigs shelved Mr. Cook on ac- 
count of his compromising pro-slavery record and nom- 
inated James Thorington, an anti-slavery advocate, and 
elected him over the Democratic candidate, ex-Governor 
Stephen Hempstead, by 1562 votes. This was more than 
twice the majority of Mr. Cook over Mr. Clark in 1852, 
and shows the growing anti-slavery temper of Iowa. The 
First District remained Democratic, and Augustus Hall 
of Keosuaqua was easily elected. In the election of 1856 s 
both of the Democratic candidates were defeated. In 
the First District Samuel R. Curtis won over Augustus 
Hall by 955 votes, while in the Second District the Know- 
Nothing fusion candidate, Timothy Davis, defeated the 
veteran ex-Congressman, Shepherd Leffler, by the large 
majority of 7,017 votes. Finally, in the election of 1858 9 
the Republican triumph was complete. Mr. Curtis was 
reelected in the First District over Henry H. Trimble by 
a majority of 1,800 votes. In the Second District William 
Vandever was elected over William E. Leffingwell by 
2,739, a much reduced majority as compared to that of 
1856. In fact Curtis 's majority was also relatively small- 
er than that of 1856. Thus the decade closed with Demo- 
cratic encouragement. 

The old regime of course was comparatively safe as 
long as it controlled the General Assembly; and, on the 
other hand, the Whig triumph in the State was nowhere 
more important than in the capturing of the State legis- 
lature. The contest for the two seats in the United States 
Senate was first to be fought out in the counties compos- 

7 Vote in the First District: Whig, 11,042; Democratic, 11,219. Vote 
in the Second District: Whig 11,435; Democratic, 9,873. 

s Vote in the First District: Republican, 18,065; Democratic, 17,110. Vote 
in the Second District: Republican, 22,885; Democratic, 15,868. 

9 Vote in the First District: Republican, 23,529; Democratic, 22,729. 
Vote in the Second District: Republican, 25,503; Democratic, 22,764. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 5 

ing the various legislative districts. In the historic tran- 
sitional year of 1854 the two parties divided honors in 
the control of the legislature, the Whigs securing the 
House with a majority of ten, while the Democrats re- 
tained the Senate with the slender majority of one. On 
joint ballot, however, the Whigs had a majority of nine, 
and in this, the Fifth General Assembly, a United States 
Senator was to be chosen. This meant the defeat of Sen- 
ator Dodge for reelection, and in his stead the choice of 
James Harlan, the hated abolition sympathizer. In the 
election Mr. Harlan received the solid majority vote. It 
was at this time that the defiant Democratic Senate at- 
tempted the desperate strategy of bolting the joint con- 
vention of the legislature in order to defeat Mr. Harlan. 10 
The anti-Nebraska men had just come together in the new 
Eepublican party, and in the election of members to the 
Sixth General Assembly, 11 that party gained control of 
both houses by almost two to one. The Seventh General 
Assembly was the first under the new Constitution, 
adopted in 1857, and also the first at Des Moines, the 
new capital, convening in January, 1858. The Eepub- 
lican majorities were decreased in both branches of 
the legislature, 12 a thing highly gratifying to the Dem- 
ocrats, yet it availed them naught so far as the election of 
a United States Senator was concerned. This legislature 
was to fill the place to be vacated by Senator George W. 
Jones, whom his own party now repudiated by putting up 

io See Dr. Louis Pelzer's article in The Iowa Journal of History and 
Politics, Vol. VI, pp. 212-214. See also Senate Journal, 1854-1855, p. 116; 
and House Journal, 1854-1855, pp. 185-188. 

ii Sixth General Assembly, 1856-1857: — Senate: Eepublicans, 23; Demo- 
crats, 12; Americans, 1. House: Republicans, 44; Democrats, 22; Amer- 
icans or Democrats, 6. 

12 Seventh General Assembly, 1857-1858: — Senate: Eepublicans, 21; 
Democrats, 15. House: Republicans, 42; Democrats, 30. 



6 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Ben M. Samuels for the succession. But the Republicans 
united on and elected Mr. Grimes, the retiring Governor. 
Grimes had served as Governor through the formative 
period of the Republican party, and on January 12, 1858, 
delivered his last message to the legislature, a message 
ringing with the Republican slogans of the day, namely : 
opposition to the Dred Scott Decision and the Lecompton 
Constitution. On January 26th the houses met in joint 
convention and Mr. Grimes was elected by the full Re- 
publican vote of 64, to 41 13 for Mr. Samuels, the minority 
candidate. 

This legislature is important in view of the fact that 
upon it devolved the inauguration of the new governmen- 
tal system, both in law-making and in defining political 
issues under the new Constitution. For this reason and 
in view of the approaching crisis of 1860 considerable im- 
portance attaches to the personnel of this body. Some of 
the old leaders are now retiring and many new men ap- 
pear who are to direct the policies in that crisis. Among 
the Democrats of former assemblies, who now dropped 
out, were Joshua Tracy, James M. Love, John L. Corse, 
Ben M. Samuels, Nathan Udell, James D. Test, P. Gad 
Bryan, Isaac M. Preston and Maturin L. Fisher. Some 
of these were promoted — Fisher and Love — while oth- 
ers later bolted the party and joined the Republicans. 
Still others remained faithful, to run on the successive 
tickets as sacrifices to the sacred cause of Democracy. 
There were some strong, able Democrats left — for in- 
stance, in the Senate: William F. Coolbaugh, Henry H. 
Trimble, William G. Stewart and W. H. M. Pusey, be- 
sides the ultras, Jairus E. Neal, as well as Aaron Brown 
and Joseph Mann. Among Republicans or former Whigs 
who passed from the legislative halls to other govern- 

13 Senate Journal, 1858, pp. 119, 120. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 7 

mental posts were Reuben Noble, John E. Needham, 
William H. Holmes, Charles C. Nourse and Samuel B. 
McCall. But the Senate of the Seventh General Assembly 
contained an unusual array of talent in such men as 
Samuel J. Kirkwood, M. L. McPherson, William Lough- 
ridge, Alvin Saunders, John W. Rankin, Jonathan W. 
Cattell, William G. Thompson, Josiah B. Grinnell, Wil- 
liam F. Davis and 0. P. Sharradan. 

In the House was the strong Democratic delegation 
from Dubuque, Lincoln Clark, Theophilus Crawford and 
Dennis A. Mahoney ; from Keokuk came William W. Bel- 
knap ; and then there were Martin V. B. Bennett, Philip 
B. Bradley, Justus Clark and G. W. Gray. The Repub- 
lican side was also strengthened by new blood. There ap- 
peared Cyrus C. Carpenter, William H. Seevers, Benja- 
min F. Gue, Samuel E. Rankin, George W. McCrary, M. 
M. Trumbull, Thomas Drummond, and E. E. Cooley. 
The Speaker of this session was Stephen B. Shelledy ; and 
the clerks were B. F. Jones and William P. Hepburn, the 
latter just entering upon his long and successful political 
career. There were the hold-overs of previous sessions, 
among them "Honest John" Edwards and Ed. Wright. 
Mr. Wright had been the Speaker of the Sixth General 
Assembly and is spoken of by a close observer, who then 
the first time visited the State legislature, as "the best 
informed man in the House on parliamentary law ' ', and 
indeed "his calmness was needed to straighten out the 
kinks". 14 

According to the Constitution the Senators were elect- 
ed for four and the Representatives for two years ; and 
thus in the next election (1859) members of the lower 
house only were chosen, except to fill vacancies in the 
Senate, of which there were fifteen. The election result- 

i4 Charles Aldrich in the Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. II, 1895, p. 205. 



g THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

ed in a relative Republican loss in both houses. 15 Addi- 
tional strength came to the Senate in the election of 
James F. Wilson, Paris P. Henderson, and John Scott 
among the Republicans; while the Democratic side was 
strengthened by Cyrus Bussey and John F. Duncombe, 
and Nathan Udell was returned. In the House among 
Republican leaders appeared Leander C. Noble, Rush 
Clark, William H. F. Gurley, Samuel Merrill, and Henry 
C. Caldwell; among the Democrats were Thomas W. 
Claggett, James E. Williamson, Justus Clark, Harvey 
Dunlavey, John D. Jennings and Francis A. Gniffke. 
John Edwards was elected Speaker, and William Thomp- 
son chief clerk, with Charles Aldrich, first assistant. 

From this study of the legislature of the State, it 
must appear that while the Republicans maintained the 
control, their position was not by any means secure. In 
many of the counties the elections were quite close and all 
in all the minority party had much to expect in a subse- 
quent election. The next election for assemblymen, how- 
ever, was not to be until 1861. By that time the whole 
situation was changed and for years to come the Demo- 
crats were doomed to be a hopeless minority in the State 
legislature. 

An examination now of the Presidential votes of 1852 
and 1856 will further illustrate the decline of the Demo- 
cratic control. Here the movement was continuous, owing 
to the fact that there was no Presidential election between 
1856 and 1860. In 1852 the popular vote 16 for Pierce was 
17,762, while General Scott, the Whig candidate, polled 
only 1,902 less. Besides, there was the Free Soil vote of 

is Eighth General Assembly, 1859-1860: — Senate: Republicans, 23; 
Democrats, 20. House: Republican®, 50; Democrats, 36. 

is Presidential vote in 1852: Democratic, 17,762; Whig, 15,856; Free 
Soil, 1,606. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 9 

1,606, thus leaving an actual majority to the Democrats 
of but 296. Four years later the Eepublicans carried the 
State by a plurality of 7,886 votes. 17 But the third-party 
Fillmore vote of 9,444 made the Eepublican vote 1,558 
less than the combined opposition. The Eepublican vote 
was less than the Whig vote of 1852, though of course the 
Fillmore vote came entirely from the old Whig element ; 
while on the other hand the Free Soil vote of that year 
went to the Eepublicans. In studying the vote of 1860, 
we shall have occasion to compare the votes of 1856 and 
1860, to see the relative increase of the Eepublican and 
Democratic parties. 

The increasing Eepublican strength in the Presiden- 
tial elections is best seen in the change of the counties 
from the Democratic to the Eepublican column. In 1852 
the Democrats carried 74 counties, 29 of them by majori- 
ties and 45 by pluralities, while the Whigs had but 14 
counties, though 11 were by majorities and only 3 by 
pluralities. One county returned a tie vote, and in an- 
other the Free-Soilers succeeded in getting a plurality. 18 
In 1856 there was a general shaking up and old lines 
were obliterated. Although the Eepublican vote, as we 
have seen, was relatively less than the Whig vote of 
1852, yet it was so distributed as greatly to increase the 
Eepublican strength as compared with that of the Whigs. 
The 74 Democratic counties had dropped to 24, while the 
14 Whig counties had risen to 55 Eepublican counties. 
The Democrats had won majorities in but 12 of their 24 
counties, while the Eepublicans had majorities in 44 coun- 
ties out of their 55. The Fillmore vote was distributed 

it Presidential vote in 1856: Republican, 44,127; Democratic, 36,241; 
American, 9,444. Republican plurality, 7,886; combined Democratic and 
American majority, 1,558. 

is Clarke County: Hale, 37; Pierce, 32; Scott, 20. 



10 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

in 68 counties, and while there were some real centers — 
Appanoose, Davis, Des Moines, Henry, Lee, Muscatine, 
Scott and Washington counties — yet the party was suc- 
cessful in none. 

Again let us look at the votes on the new Constitution. 
The old Constitution was a Democratic hulk. There 
could be neither complete political reorganization of the 
State nor party security in the administration of its af- 
fairs, without a new instrument of government. Hence 
the people were called upon to express themselves on the 
question of convening a Constitutional Convention to 
frame a new Constitution. The vote was taken August 
4, 1856, and resulted in the one-sided vote of 32,790 for, 
and 14,162 against the proposition. The next year a new 
Constitution was framed and, upon being submitted to 
the people, was ratified by the close vote of 40,311 to 
38,681 — a majority of only 1,630. This was practically 
a strict party vote, and stands in about the same ratio 
as the later vote in the regular State election of the year 
1857. Evidently in the election on calling the convention, 
the Democrats stayed at home ; but when the new Consti- 
tution was before them, it proved so revolutionary, that 
they made such a fight upon it as almost to defeat it. 

It is important here to understand the full significance 
of the political transformation of the State, and to note 
what changes were wrought in consequence of this re- 
formation and organization of political parties. The Re- 
publican party with its principles and organization, 
gradually revolutionized the State ; it undermined the old 
party in power and set up safeguards for its own per- 
petuation. Consequently with the establishment of the 
new Constitution there follows the resulting Republican 
legislation: the new Code; the State Banking Law; the 
modification of the two congressional districts — the 



CIVIL WAS AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 11 

eastern end of the line being pushed south to reduce the 
Democratic majority in the First District; a complete 
judicial re-districting of the State by several acts from 
1853 to 1858, increasing the number of districts from five 
to eleven ; and the establishment of new counties and the 
changing of boundaries, so as to insure a Republican leg- 
islature. In fact Iowa, during the period of transforma- 
tion, was completely gerrymandered. 

Another feature which throws some light upon the 
politics of this period is the comparative party loyalty. 
Of course there was discernible most of the time a 
third-party element, which locally took somewhat the 
nature of an independent vote. This was chiefly from 
three sources: the extreme anti-slavery element, the "old 
guard" remnant of the Whig party, and the liberal or 
dissatisfied Democrats. The first and third were finally 
absorbed by the Republican party, some of them by 1860, 
but most of them not until the high-tide of the war. The 
old guard of Whiggism went on the rock and scattered to 
the four winds — cropping out occasionally all through 
the decade of the sixties, now with one, now with another 
political group, but never a to-be-counted-upon political 
asset of any party. The third party was a factor, though 
negative, in the elections of 1852, 1856, and 1857, but 
there was very little or none of the "scattering" vote. 
Party loyalty, then, was a marked feature of the period, 
increasing with the more clearly defining issues between 
the parties on the all-absorbing slavery question ; but we 
see practically nothing of the independent vote as known 
to-day. 

Thus in place of an organic independent vote we see 
the disintegration of the Democratic party and the con- 
sequent augmentation and compacting of the Republican 
party by dissatisfied factions or individuals bolting the 



12 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

ticket or the party of the former and joining the latter. 
In 1857, for example, the "Fort Madison clique" 19 led by 
William F. Coolbaugh threw consternation into the Demo- 
cratic councils, by bolting the ticket. Later most of these 
men joined the Kepublican party. In Dubuque a bitter 
feud existed for some time, between the Montague faction, 
led by Senator George W. Jones, and the Capulets, led by 
Judge Thomas S. Wilson. This fight hastened the dis- 
integration of the Democratic party rather by discredit- 
ing it before the public than by these factionists them- 
selves uniting with the Eepublicans. Instances of lead- 
ing men deserting the Deemocratic camp are common ; for 
example, Mr. Enoch W. Eastman left the party early in 
1859, issuing a manifesto 20 renouncing his allegiance to it 
because it had departed from the ancient principles of 
Democracy. We shall hear of Eastman again. Another 
phase of the party's predicament is seen in the desertion, 
on the part of the rank and file, of the old political leaders. 
The body of Democrats were becoming alarmed over 
the desperate straits to which the party had been reduced, 
and they advocated a change of attitude toward the issues 
fast consuming them. Thus in the State convention of 
1858 they sought to redeem their party by passing a reso- 
lution repudiating their action of the year previous in 
supporting the Lecompton Constitution. This was a new 
phase of the situation ; and now appears for the first time 
an "old guard" and in a minority role at that, which, 
under the leadership of Stillson Hutchins, George W. 
Jones, Stephen Hempstead and Ver Planck Van Ant- 
werp, bolted the convention. This bolt, it is needless to 

is> William F. Coolbaugh, Edward Johnston, H. W. Starr, and General 
Morgan. 

20 For Mr. Eastman's letter, see The Iowa Citizen for January 19, 1859, 
referred to by Doctor Pelzer in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, 
Vol. VII, p. 203. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 13 

say, was the work of the stand-pat, pro-slavery element, 
the Administration wing of the party, a mere rump of the 
Iowa Democracy, the forerunner of the Breckinridge 
faction of 1860 and the Secession sympathizers of the 
Civil War period. Just as the Democratic party was 
slipping from power and going to pieces, the Republican 
party was consolidating and fortifying itself on every 
political hill-top and at every cross-road. 

The one man responsible for all this disrupting of 
Democratic harmony in the State was none other than 
the man over whom the National Democracy became dis- 
rupted — Stephen A. Douglas. At least it was the issues 
which he championed, that the rank and file of Iowa Dem- 
ocrats had come to look upon as their creed. This creed 
was definitely formulated by Douglas in 1858, and Iowa 
Democrats followed with keen interest the Lincoln- 
Douglas debates, 21 seeking doctrines that would save the 
wreckage of their party. Iowa Democrats were more con- 
cerned about the national situation than about that in the 
State. They regarded Douglas and his policies as a 
greater issue than any local matter, and so they followed 
him in this memorable contest, even aiding him in the 
Illinois canvass. They rejoiced in his defeat of Lincoln 
for the United States Senate, holding enthusiastic meet- 
ings, and passing resolutions of confidence in him and 
faith in his principles. This all presaged the course of 
the Iowa Democrats in the coming campaign of 1860. 
They were now thoroughly committed to the Northern 
wing of the party and out of fellowship with the National 
pro-slavery leadership. 

21 For good accounts of Iowa's interest in these debates see Dr. Pelzer's 
History of Political Parties in Iowa from 1857 to 1860 in The Iowa 
Journal of History and Politics, Vol. VII, p. 201; also Professor Herriott's 
Iowa and the First Nomination of Lincoln in the Annals of Iowa (3rd Series) 
Vol. VIII, pp. 452-66. 



Chapter II 
POLITICAL PARTIES IN 1860 

IOWA IN THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 

In Iowa the national campaign of 1860 opened in the 
autumn of 1859. The issues were already clearly denned 
on the part of both the leading parties, and also by the 
third party factions soon to take a hand. It was quite 
clear from the first that the vast majority of the Demo- 
crats were to stand on Douglas's platform, and naturally 
— since 1858 — they thought of no one but Douglas as 
their candidate for the presidency. 22 The Democratic 
newspapers generally ran up the Douglas standard. 

The Eepublicans were united on principles, but unlike 
the Democrats, they were at sea on the question of a 
Presidential candidate. For fear of imperiling the larger 
issues and interests, they quite generally refrained from 
expressing their preferences. The fact is that Iowa Re- 
publicans were much divided on the question of a candi- 
date ; they counselled harmony and persisted in regarding 
with equal favor any of the great names already in the 
public mind. 23 

The Republican National Committee 24 met in New York 
City on December 21, 1859, to fix the time and place for 
the meeting of the next National Convention. They final- 
ly chose Chicago and fixed upon May 16, 1860, as the time. 
This gave much satisfaction to the Republicans of Iowa 

22 See Pelzer 's article in The Iowa Journal of Eistory and Politics, Vol. 
VII, p. 216. 

23 See Herriott's article in the Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Ante. 

24 Iowa's member of the committee was Andrew J. Stevens. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 15 

in common with all westerners. Two weeks before this 
the Iowa City Republican had given out its choice of 
place, naming in the order of preference, Chicago, St. 
Louis, and Indianapolis. 25 Consequently when the Na- 
tional Committee named Chicago the Republican said: 
"We think it eminently fit that a city which has main- 
tained her Republicanism amidst such opposition, beard- 
ing Douglas in his den, richly deserves this flattering tes- 
timonial". 26 

For some time before this, the Republican State Cen- 
tral Committee had had the question of calling a State 
Convention for the selection of delegates to the National 
Convention under consideration. After a general ex- 
pression of public sentiment on the question, through the 
press and otherwise, they issued a call 27 on December 5, 
1859, for the State Convention to convene in Des Moines, 
on Wednesday, the 18th of January, 1860. The time and 
place decided upon were regarded as the "most conveni- 
ent to procure the general representation of counties 
during the session of the legislature". They at the 
same time decided another question on which there was 
divided opinion, resolving to hold two State Conventions, 
one for choosing delegates to the National Convention 
and a second to name a State ticket, since the unity of the 
party would be more reasonably assured after the Na- 
tional platform should have been agreed upon and the 
ticket named. The call was signed by John A. Kasson, 
Chairman, together with the eleven district members of 
the committee, 28 and the representation agreed upon was 

25 Iowa City Republican, December 7, 1859. 

26 Iowa City Republican, December 28, 1859. 

- 7 Iowa City Republican, December 14, 1859. 

28 Republican State Central Committee: John A. Kasson, Chairman; H. 
M. Hoxie, Des Moines, Secretary; Eufus L. B. Clark, Mount Pleasant; C. 



16 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

one delegate for every two hundred votes cast for Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood at the last election. The counties were 
strongly urged to hold conventions to select their delega- 
tions. 

On January 18th, the first State Convention met at Des 
Moines in Sherman Hall. W. W. Hamilton of Dubuque 
was made permanent chairman. Naturally a large num- 
ber of the members of the legislature were delegates. The 
convention was large and enthusiastic, good will prevail- 
ing throughout. The key-note of the convention was har- 
mony and this was emphasized in the desire shown to give 
everybody some place. There were six secretaries and 
eleven vice-presidents chosen, while still others were put 
on committees or on the unusually large delegation to the 
Chicago Convention. There was little speech-making, 
although while the Committee on Credentials was out, 
John Johns, a somewhat eccentric Webster County 
pioneer preacher, brought down the house repeatedly, 
with a speech which the editors of the Republican called 
"the quaintest remarks ever heard". 29 

The only question eliciting any discussion was that of 
the number of delegates to the National Convention. The 
State was entitled to eight votes in the Convention and 
some wished to send that number of delegates; others 
wanted five delegates-at-large with two from each Ju- 
dicial District. It was finally decided to elect thirty 
"delegates and advisory members," besides a chairman 
of the delegation. William Penn Clarke was elected 
chairman on the first ballot, and the choice was spoken of 

E. Stone, Council Bluffs; William Loughridge, Oskaloosa; Thomas Drum- 
mond, Vinton; A. B. F. Hildreth, Charles City; J. M. Newcomb, Bloom- 
field; William Bigelow, Sioux City; James Thorington, Davenport; H. A. 
Weltze, Dubuque; L. L. Pease, Fort Dodge. 

29 Iowa City Eepublican, January 25, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD yj 

as "a well deserved compliment." 30 Four delegate s-at- 
large were then elected, resulting in the choice of Leander 
C. Noble of Fayette County, John A. Kasson of Polk, 
Henry O'Connor of Muscatine, and James F. Wilson of 
Jefferson. On motion of Dr. Bowen six additional dele- 
gates-at-large were chosen. They were: John W. Rank- 
in of Lee County, editor Coker F. Clarkson of Grundy, 
Rev. Henry P. Scholte of Marion, Senator M. L. McPher- 
son of Madison, Lieutenant Governor Nicholas J. Rusch 
of Dubuque, and John Johns, the Webster County pio- 
neer. Besides these two delegates were elected from each 
of the eleven Judicial Districts, 31 making in all thirty- 
three 32 delegates from the State, to cast her eight votes 
in the Convention. Thus the several political divisions, 
the various classes and nationalities were carefully re- 
membered and harmony guaranteed. The Irish vote was 

30 The proceedings of the Convention are printed in the Iowa City Re- 
publican, January 25, 1860. 

si District Delegates to Chicago Convention of 1860 : 

First District: — Alvin Saunders (Henry), J. C. Walker (Lee). 

Second District: — H. Clay Caldwell (Van Buren), M. Baker (Wapello). 

Third District: — Ben Bector (Fremont), George A. Hawley (Decatur). 

Fourth District: — A. W. Hubbard (Woodbury), J. E. Blackford (Kos- 
suth). 

Fifth District:— Thomas Seeley (Guthrie), C. C. Nourse (Polk). 

Sixth District: — William M. Stone (Marion), J. B. Grinned (Powesheik). 

Seventh District: — William A. Warren (Jackson), John W. Thompson 
(Scott). 

Eighth District: — John Shane (Benton), William Smyth (Linn). 

Ninth District: — William B. Allison (Dubuque), A. F. Brown (Black- 
hawk). 

Tenth District: — Beuben Noble (Clayton), E. G. Bowdoin (Floyd). 

Eleventh District: — William P. Hepburn (Marshall), J. F. Brown 
(Hardin). 

Only three of these failed to attend: H. Clay Caldwell, A. W. Hubbard, 
and J. E. Blackford. Their places were taken by Joseph Caldwell, Herbert 
M. Hoxie, and Jacob Butler. 

32 The Proceedings of the Chicago Convention gives Iowa's delegation 
as 32, though it prints the 33 names. Certain it is that her delegation 
numbered 33 in place of 32. Proceedings, pp. Ill, 174. 



18 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

represented by Mr. 'Connor, the Germans in the Demo- 
cratic stronghold of Dubuque by Lieutenant Governor 
Rusch, and the Dutch by the Eev. Mr. Scholte. The 
farmers, merchants, and capitalists, the newspapers and 
various professions were represented on the delegation. 
These men were not all in the first rank as political lead- 
ers ; on the contrary, barring a half dozen, they were or- 
dinary citizens, but had they been otherwise they would 
not have been representative. 

The delegation went to Chicago uninstructed. Indeed, 
the question of a candidate was not even broached in the 
State Convention and little was said in private on that 
delicate question. The individual preferences of some of 
the delegates were not known and their selection could not 
have had that matter in view. It was State harmony that 
Iowa was seeking. The Iowa Republicans were deter- 
mined (it seems, were almost hysterical on the question) 
not to allow the matter of a nominee to disturb their 
equilibrium and jeopardize the politics of the State. 

At Chicago the Iowa delegation was at home in the 
Tremont House, where headquarters had been engaged 
by Mr. Clarke in March. 33 The delegation as a whole, 
except for its size, was inconspicuous in the Convention. 34 
The large delegation, though at home quite politic, was in 
Chicago rather a joke than a source of strength. Some of 
the members individually, however, exercised consider- 

33 Iowa City Republican, March 28, 1860. 

34 James F. Wilson was a member of the Committee on Permanent 
Organization, Coker F. Clarkson of the Committee on Credentials, Reuben 
Noble of the Committee on Business, the Rev. Henry P. Scholte one of the 
vice-presidents, and William M. Stone one of the Secretaries (later William 
B. Allison served as a Secretary), while John A. Kasson was on the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions. Some of Kasson 's associates enjoying a national 
reputation were: George F. Talbot, Amos Tuck, George S. Boutwell, Francis 
P. Blair, Gustave Koerner, F. P. Tracy, and Horace Greeley. — See Pro- 
ceedings. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 19 

able influence — Mr. Kasson, on the Committee on Reso- 
lutions, had a large part in drafting the platform. The 
Iowa vote 35 was scattering on every ballot, and the nom- 
inee, Mr. Lincoln, did not receive the solid vote of the 
delegation. But the nomination was at once accepted by 
all and the delegates returned home to champion both the 
platform and the ticket. All Iowa ratified the result. 

The Democrats soon followed with their State Conven- 
tion, convening at Des Moines on February 22, 1860. 
This date was selected out of patriotic sentiments, ac- 
cording to the action of the State Convention of 1859. 
The call 36 was issued by D. A. Mahoney as State Chair- 
man, and the meeting was for the purpose of choosing 
delegates to the Democratic National Convention which 
was to meet at Charleston, South Carolina, on April 21, 
1860. The National Committee had chosen this place at 
a meeting in Washington, 37 in the very bosom of the Na- 
tional (Administration) Democracy, on December 7, 1859. 
It was the first time that the National Convention had 
gone so far south, and under the trying circumstances the 
Douglas men were not a little nervous and apprehensive 
of the result. 

The State Convention, unlike the Republican, was nei- 
ther large nor enthusiastic, though fairly harmonious. 
The delegation of eight was a strong one and solid for 
Douglas. 38 The delegates were Augustus C. Dodge, Ben 

35 Ballots of the Iowa Delegation at the Chicago Convention of 1860: 

First ballot: — Seward 2, Lincoln 2, Cameron 1, Bates 1, McLean 1, 
Chase 1. 

Second ballot: — Lincoln 5, Seward 2, Chase */>, McLean %. 

Third ballot: — Lincoln 5%, Seward 2, Chase M>- — Proceedings, pp. 151, 
152, 153. 

3G Dubuque Herald, December 21, 1859. 

3 7 Iowa City Republican, December 14, 1859. 

38 Iowa City Republican, February 29, 1860. 



20 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

M. Samuels, Dan 0. Finch, Nathaniel B. Baker, an emi- 
grant from New Hampshire where he had been Governor, 
W. H. M. Pusey, Thomas W. Claggett, I. M. Bosler, and 
Edward H. Thayer of the Muscatine Daily Courier. 

While the Convention did not draw up a series of reso- 
lutions at this time, yet an attempt was made to get an 
expression upon one question. Henry C. Rippey of Win- 
terset introduced a resolution providing for the granting 
of homesteads of one hundred and sixty acres to actual 
settlers. Mr. Rippey explained that the Democrats in 
Congress had had a chance to favor such a measure but 
instead had defeated it, and he wanted Iowa Democrats 
to go on record as repudiating their action, by favoring 
such a law. The Convention rejected the resolution, not 
because they opposed it, but because they did not at this 
time wish to bring up questions of platform. The regular 
State Convention later incorporated the resolution in the 
platform. 

The action of the Charleston Convention is well known. 
Iowa played a conspicuous part there, as well as at 
the adjourned meeting at Baltimore, and at both places 
the entire delegation stood solidly for Douglas. 

THE STATE NOMINATING CONVENTIONS 

Long before the Chicago Convention assembled, the call 
was issued (March 28th) for the Republican State Con- 
vention to meet at Iowa City on May 23rd. This was for 
the purpose of naming a State ticket and adopting a plat- 
form. The call 39 however went further and said, "It is 
also called for the purpose of ratifying the nominee and 
platform of the National Republican Convention to be 
held at Chicago on the 16th of May. " This was indeed 
party loyalty, announcing a meeting to ratify a nominee 

39 Muscatine Daily Journal, March 31, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 21 

yet to be chosen and a platform yet to be drawn up, and 
it further illustrates the confidence of Iowa Eepublicans 
in the national party as well as their determination to 
maintain party unity and harmony. 

The Convention assembled with 561 delegates repre- 
senting fifty-eight counties. They met in what had for- 
merly been known as Metropolitan Hall, but was now 
named the Republican Wigwam, so imbued were the dele- 
gates with the spirit of the great Chicago gathering. The 
"Wigwam" was crowded almost to suffocation, but the 
utmost harmony and good will prevailed. The conven- 
tion however was in the hands of Ed. Wright, the popular 
Linn County legislator, whose name and ability were 
enough to keep any body of men in order. 

Candidates for State offices, we are told, were nomin- 
ated with a cordial unanimity most singular, which Mr. 
Mahin of the Muscatine Journal regarded as a "sure 
guarantee of the ticket. ' no It is true that two of the four 
candidates were nominated by acclamation — Jonathan 
W. Cattell, for Auditor, and John W. Jones, for Treasur- 
er — but there were sharp contests for the other two. 
Charles C. Nourse was re-nominated for Attorney- Gen- 
eral, though it required four ballots to do it, there being 
at first six names presented, with John A. Kasson and 
William G. Thompson the closest competitors. Elijah 
Sells was for the third time nominated for the office of 
Secretary of State, which was clearly a departure from 
an established custom, and concerning which there was 
some complaint. Mr. Sells, however, was a most efficient 
officer, and besides, he was a sort of gubernatorial aspir- 
ant, and it was good politics to hold to some way-station 
toward that goal. The other candidates for the nomina- 
tion were S. J. W. Tabor of Buchanan County, G. A. 

40 Muscatine Daily Journal, May 26, 1860. 



22 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Hawley of Decatur, and M. L. McPherson of Madison, 
but on the first ballot Mr. Sells polled 332 y 2 votes, and 
after Mr. McPherson 's withdrawal the nomination was 
declared unanimous by acclamation. 

Four Presidential electors were chosen, two at large 
and one from each of the Congressional Districts. An 
informal ballot for the first was taken and before the 
votes were counted Col. Fitz Henry Warren of Des 
Moines County was made one of them by acclamation. 
On the next ballot J. A. Chapline of Dubuque was chosen 
as the other. The electors representing the districts 
were M. L. McPherson for the First and Charles Pomeroy 
for the Second. These four men had been delegates to 
the Chicago Convention ; while there were some members 
of the Convention who had not yet been given any honors 
at the hands of the party. This fact may at least have 
prompted the motion of William Penn Clarke to name 
four additional electors-at-large, whose duty it should be 
to assist the regular electors in canvassing the State. 
This was adopted and E. N. Bates, William B. Fairfield, 
J. M. Newcomb, and Benjamin Eector were chosen. Of 
these, the last named had been at Chicago. Thus Iowa 
again devised a plan to overcome the handicap of her 
youth. 

The Convention made short work of framing a State 
platform. A committee, 41 representing Judicial Districts 
and containing some good men, most of whom had not 
been honored with other favors, was appointed on plat- 
form. At the evening session the committee reported 

4i The Committee on Platform by Districts: (1) Samuel F. Miller of Lee, 
(2) E. T. Edgerton of Lucas, (3) B. Rector of Fremont, (4) A. Mi tier 
of Humboldt, (5) Thomas Seeley of Guthrie, (6) H. Schofield of Wash- 
ington, (7) H. J. Campbell of Muscatine, (8) Rush Clark of Johnson, (9) 
D. W. Cooley of Dubuque, (10) C. A. Newcomb of Fayette, (11) Charles 
Pomeroy of Boone. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 23 

their labors to the Convention. The report, in accord- 
ance with the "call", was the ratification of the work of 
the National Convention. It was the shortest platform 
np to that time put out by the Republicans of Iowa, con- 
taining but four resolutions. 42 They disposed of the Na- 
tional issues in the campaign by declaring that they were 
prepared to advocate and defend the Chicago platform; 
that they endorsed the nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin, 
and pledged to them the undivided support of the Repub- 
lican party of the State. In State affairs they favored a 
policy of rigid economy and would hold the State officers 
to strict account. Finally, expressing confidence in their 
State ticket, they commended it to the support of the peo- 
ple. The Convention then took steps to organize for the 
campaign and adjourned. 

Thus by June 1st, before the summer was begun and 
long before the heat of both the summer and the cam- 
paign, the Republicans had their issues formulated, their 
tickets named and were perfecting their campaigning ma- 
chinery for the great contest at the polls. How was it 
with the Democrats ? 

The bolt of the ultra pro-slavery branch of the Demo- 
cratic party at Charleston in April and the further break 
at Baltimore two months later, had divided the party into 
two organic bodies with the Mason and Dixon Line be- 
tween them. Unfortunately this left the newly formed 
wings or parties in a disturbed state, by the presence of a 
hostile, even bitter, though small and comparatively 
harmless minority faction in each. Thus, while the 
North was a Douglas Democracy, there were a number of 
Breckinridge sympathizers to further distract the party 
locally. This minority in Iowa, as in other Northern 
States, at once defied the Douglas majority party by de- 

*2 Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I (1881), p. 54. 



24 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

claring an injunction against their use of the old party 
name. The Breckinridge faction claimed the rightful title 
to the name; they constituted the National Democratic 
party. Already at several centers, notably Davenport 
and Dubuque, the ultras had held meetings ratifying the 
nomination of Breckinridge, and by an address, 43 issued 
June 30th, had stated the political issues. They were now 
also taking steps to hold a Breckinridge State Convention 
to name electors, though they would make no State nomi- 
nations. 

The Douglas party, controlling the situation, and refus- 
ing to give up the name and political privileges, finally got 
its forces in line and called the Democratic State Conven- 
tion to convene at Des Moines, on July 12th. In spite of 
the now completed bolt of the old ultra pro-slavery fac- 
tion, the Convention was unexpectedly large and, without 
the stand-patters, quite harmonious. 44 Amos Harris was 
the chairman and the ticket nominated was : Secretary of 
State, John M. Corse ; Treasurer, John W. Ellis of Davis 
County; Auditor, George W. Maxwell of Bremer County; 
Attorney-General, Wm. McClintock of Fayette County; 
and Eegister, Patrick Robb of Woodbury County. They 
chose four of their representative men for candidates for 
Presidential electors, the four being Martin Van Buren 
Bennett, LeGrand Byington, Lincoln Clark and Henry 
Clay Dean. 

As to the platform, 45 they did just the reverse of what 
the Republicans did — drew up the longest platform in 
their history, containing thirteen resolutions on the gen- 

4 3 The ' ' Address to the National Democracy of Iowa. ' ' — Iowa Weekly 
Eepublican, July 18, 1860. This address was signed by H. H. Heath, Na- 
tional committeeman for Iowa, and representing the State at the adjourned 
Breckinridge caucus at Baltimore. 

** Dubuque Herald, July 25, 1860. 

45 FairalFs Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. 1 (1881), pp. 54-57. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 25 

eral issues and pledging themselves to ten specific re- 
forms in state affairs. 

They "most cordially endorse and approve of the Dem- 
ocratic National Convention" which they regarded as 
having met at Charleston and having at an adjourned 
session at Baltimore "concluded its labors by the nomi- 
nation of Stephen A. Douglas for the Presidency". 
Then they endorse the principles of popular sovereignty 
and they condemn "all attempts to compromise the in- 
tegrity of the Democratic party organization, by putting 
Democratic candidates for electors upon the same ticket 
with candidates who are not pledged to vote, if elected, 
for Douglas and Johnson and for no other persons what- 
soever. ' ' They also appeal to the conservatives, inviting 
them "to fall into the Democratic ranks, to crush the 
hydra-headed monster, Congressional Intervention." 
They favor a homestead law and call upon the people to 
make a thorough reform by driving the Republicans from 
power in Iowa, and pledge themselves to reforms in 
State taxation and expenditure, in the control of char- 
itable institutions, and in banks and their issues, and 
promise a revision of the State Constitution. They com- 
plain of the misappropriation of public money, and op- 
pose the multiplying of political offices and the schemes of 
railroad promoting speculations. Much of the platform 
was of course mere political opposition, yet there were 
some demands made against certain evils which later be- 
came so glaring that the Republican party had to take 
them up to hold its power. 

The Breckinridge faction finally met in convention on 
August 15th at Davenport. 40 General P. S. Espy of Lee 
County was made chairman. A brief pointed platform 47 

46 Dubuque Herald, August 22, 1860. Editor Mahoney gives a merciless 
analysis of the faction. 



26 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

was adopted. Its demands were based upon the doctrine 
that the Territories are the common property of all the 
States. All citizens, thus they argued, being joint owners 
have the right to settle there with their legal property. 
Of course the Dred Scott Decision was upheld and Con- 
gress was denied the right to interfere with the intro- 
duction of slavery into the Territories, nor could the Ter- 
ritories themselves interfere. They were " National' ' 
Democrats and so of course applauded Buchanan's ad- 
ministration. A few weeks later the party published an 
" Address of the National Democrats of the State of 
Iowa", purporting to have come from the Convention. 48 
It was a lengthy statement of the pro-slavery argument. 

The Convention chose four Presidential electors and 
twelve ''assistant" electors. 49 The electors-at-large were 
G. C. R. Mitchell of Davenport and P. S. Espy; J. D. Test 
was chosen to represent the First District, and John F. 
Duncombe the Second. The so-called assistant electors 
no doubt were the committee to look after the canvass of 
the State. Among them were several men of promi- 
nence. 50 No State ticket was nominated, the main purpose 
of the Convention being to provide an electoral ticket so 
that none might be deprived of recording his wishes at 
the ballot-box. 

On August 7th a call for a Constitutional Union State 
Convention, to be held at Iowa City on August 31st, was 

■"■ Iowa State Begister, August 22, 1860. 

•is The Lyons City Advocate (Weekly), September 8, I860. 

*s Charles City Intelligencer, August 23, 1860. 

so The ' ' Assistant ' ' electors of the Breckinridge Ticket were : C. Frank- 
lin, W. H. English, W. G. Morse, Elijah Williams, D. R. Smith, O. C. 
Treadway, George H. Parker, F. H. Morse, J. C Knapp, Daniel Bell, L. 
M. G. Sales, W. C. Wilson. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PEBIOD 27 

issued. The call 51 was signed by six men, all residents of 
the old capital city. They were Easton Morris, W. H. 
Henderson, George D. Crosthwait, Joseph Troxel, D. W. 
Henderson, and Walter Curtis. The Iowa City Repub- 
lican gave the political pedigrees 52 of these men and con- 
cluded that their action could in no wise influence the re- 
sult of the election in the State, for the votes won to their 
cause "must necessarily be drawn principally from the 
Democratic ranks". 53 According to the call the object 
was ' ' to form an electoral ticket and to organize the party 
for efficient action ' '. 

The Convention met in pursuance of the call, assemb- 
ling in Market Hall with Easton Morris as temporary 
chairman. 54 In adopting the report of a committee on 
permanent organization, 55 Mr. Ebenezer Cook of Scott 
County was made permanent chairman and eight honor- 
ary vice-presidents 56 and three secretaries 57 were chosen. 
The convention was small, there being but fifteen counties 

si The call was first published in the State Press and later in the weekly 
Iowa State Reporter, August 29, and in the Iowa City Republican, August 
29, 1860. 

52 Dr. Crosthwait and the two Hendersons usually acted with the Demo- 
cratic party; while the other three had been prominent in the American 
party, although Walter Curtis had lately been identified with the Eepub- 
lican party. 

ss Iowa City Republican, August 29, 1860. 

5-t The proceedings of the convention may be found in the Ioira City Re- 
publican, September 5, 1860. 

55 The committee was : T. R. MeChesney of Hardin, J. M. Eldredge of 
Scott, Dr. Crosthwait of Johnson, and G. Worrell of Muscatine. 

56 The Vice-Presidents were: D. W. Henderson of Johnson, F. M. Cum- 
mings of Muscatine, M. B. Browning of Des Moines, L. D. Palmer of Wood- 
bury, L. S. Viele of Scott, Dr. Brooks of Polk, C. W. Boyer of Pottawat- 
tamie, iand Lauren Dewey of Linn. 

57 The Secretaries were: R. M. Littler of Scott, S. C. Dunn of Musca- 
tine, and J. P. Troxell of Johnson. 



28 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

represented by about fifty delegates. 58 Indeed, this num- 
ber was doubtless secured by the adoption of a motion 
providing that "all gentlemen present friendly to the 
cause" should be admitted as delegates. Certain it is 
that there were few local mass meetings or conventions 
held for the purpose of choosing delegates to the State 
Convention. Two such were held, however, on August 
25th, one at Des Moines 59 and the other at Muscatine. 60 
All in all, the convention was somewhat of an impromptu 
affair, yet it proceeded in an ambitious way to get the 
Constitutional Union issues before the people. 

In almost every instance the business of the convention 
was initiated by special committees. A committee 61 was 
appointed to name an electoral ticket, and upon its recom- 
mendation, Col. W. H. Henderson of Marshall County, 
and Martin D. McHenry of Polk County were chosen as 
electors-at-large ; and C. W. Boyer of Pottawattamie 
County, and J. J. Lindley of Scott County were made the 
District Electors. This not being enough they, like the 
Republicans, named two "assistant electors", J. C. Sav- 
ery of Polk County for the First, and Capt. J. H. Wallace 
of Muscatine for the Second District. 

The Committee on Resolutions was composed of Martin 
D. McHenry, Capt. J. H. Wallace, and L. S. Viele, and re- 

58 This is in accordance with Dr. Pelzer 's figures in The Iowa Journal of 
History and Politics, Vol. VII, p. 124, and seems as nearly correct as the 
extant data will warrant. The Dubuque Herald of September 5, 1860, how- 
ever, makes the statement that there were 125 delegates from about half 
the counties of the State present. But Mr. Cook, on taking the chair, 
recognized the smallness of the convention, which he probably would not 
have done had there been as many as 125. 

so The Iowa State Register, August 29, 1860. 

eo Muscatine Weekly Journal, August 31, 1860. 

ei The Committee was Charles Harris of Scott, B. Schenck of Muscatine, 
Lauren Dewey of Linn, Captain J. H. Wallace of Muscatine, and Dr. George 
D. Crosthwait of Johnson. 



CIVIL WAR AND EECONSTEVCTION PEEIOD 29 

ported a platform of five resolutions. The threatened 
safety of the country they lay at the feet of the two lead- 
ing parties, and call upon the executive and judicial de- 
partments of the National Government to keep within 
their own individual spheres. Then with a bit of uncon- 
scious irony upon their own tendency, they declare that 
"the prime cause of the present state of affairs" is due to 
"delusive and ambiguous platforms". The force of this 
is apparent in their appeal to the people of Iowa to vote 
for Bell and Everett, since they stand upon the platform 
of "the Constitution, the union of the States and the en- 
forcement of the laws." 

Whatever this party's principles were then, the busi- 
ness of the convention was next directed towards organ- 
izing a campaign to carry them at the polls. A committee 
was appointed 62 to nominate a "State Executive Com- 
mittee", 03 whose duty it should be to conduct the cam- 
paign. It was also authorized to fill any possible vacan- 
cies on the ticket. The only question eliciting any consid- 
erable discussion was W. H. Henderson's proposition 
that they name a State ticket. This after a sharp, stren- 
uous contest was voted down. A new paper, the Mes- 
senger, just launched at Muscatine by Mr. S. C. Dunn and 
devoted to the cause of Bell and Everett, was recom- 
mended as a sort of party organ. After an evening rati- 
fication session, at which speeches were delivered by Dr. 
J. F. Henry, W. H. Worthington, and M. D. McHenry, the 
convention adjourned. Thus, by the time the contest be- 
es The Committee was: M. D. McHenry, General Morris, J. F. Dunlap 
of Lee, A. J. Hyde of Scott, and G. G. Mahan of Muscatine. 

03 State Executive Committee of the Constitutional Union Party : John 
P. Cook of Scott, L. S. Viele of Scott, W. H. Worthington of Lee, J. F. 
Henry of Des Moines, H. S. Compton of Muscatine, Easton Morris of 
Johnson, J. C. Savery of Polk, J. B. Stutzman of Pottawattamie, W. H. 
Jenkins of Washington, and T. H. Monroe of Dubuque. 



30 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 



tween the Republicans and Democrats was well under 
way, the second of the two "third" parties was also in 
line for the final dash to the polls. 



THE CAMPAIGN 



The campaign of 1860 is one memorable in the annals 
of Iowa, as in the country at large. Its opening, if it can 
be said to have been opened at any particular time, was, 
on the part of the Republicans, featured by Lincoln ratifi- 
cation meetings. These immediately followed the State 
Convention and continued throughout the month of June. 
Probably the first formal ratification however was held at 
Keokuk 04 on May 22nd, the day before the State Conven- 
tion. It was an occasion of great rejoicing, much noise- 
making, marching and speaking. Large ratification meet- 
ings were held at Des Moines 65 on May 31st, at Charles 
City 66 on June 2nd, with others all through the month, 
among the last being a great celebration at Ottumwa 67 on 
June 22nd. These meetings introduced to the masses of 
the people not only the Presidential candidate and his 
platform, but the man Lincoln, and before the campaign 
was ended not only were the issues known to all, but the 
life of Lincoln had become an open book. They accepted 
him as one of their very own, and as one singled out and 
called to a great purpose. 

While the campaign was conducted with considerable 
party animosity and personal abuse, accompanied by 
ludicrous caricatures, noise-making and hurrahing, al- 
most equaling the famous campaigns of Jackson and of 
Harrison, yet, underneath all there probably never was a 

84 Keokuk Gate City, May 22, 1860. 

65 State Journal, June 2, 1860. 

66 Charles City Intelligencer, June 7, 1860. 

67 Ottumwa Courier, June 28, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 31 

political campaign in the West, the issues of which so 
gripped the average man and held him to judgment, as 
the campaign of 1860. If organization and persistency 
ever accomplished anything, such was certainly the case 
in this campaign — especially on the part of the Repub- 
licans. They accepted the challenge, forced the issue, and 
organized for victory, taking no chances. 

It was at the State Convention in May that the Repub- 
licans conceived the plan of organization so effective in 
the canvass of the State. At that time a committee on 
"State Organization" was appointed to work out a plan 
to present to the Convention. Mr. Kasson, State Chair- 
man, was a member of the committee, 68 and though he had 
able assistants in William F. Davis, W. B. Fairfield, and 
Samuel McFarland, as well as others, the report present- 
ed was largely the result of his ideas gathered from ex- 
perience in such work. The plan adopted was to organize 
uniformly the counties throughout the State, as the units 
of the organization; at the head of each was to be the 
county central committee, representative of the local 
township units. The chairmen of the several county com- 
mittees within each Judicial District were to constitute 
the executive committee for the district. These executive 
committees, eleven in all, were to be in close touch with 
the State Central Committee, which should be at the head 
of all, directing the campaign as a whole. A strong State 
Central Committee 09 was chosen, and Mr. Kasson was re- 
tained as chairman. 

08 Committee on "State Organization", by Districts: (1) Samuel Mc- 
Farland, (2) S. G. McAchron, (3) C. Watkins, (4) E. G. Morgan, (5) John 
A. Kasson, (6) J. A. Young. (7) William F. Davis, (8) J. Dysart, (9) 
J. S. Woodward, (10) W. B. Fairfield, (11) S. G. Winchester. 

69 The Republican State Central Committee for 1860, by Districts: John 
A. Kasson, Chairman, (1) Samuel F. Miller, (2) James B. Weaver, (3) 
George A. Hawley, (4) L. H. Smith, (5) H. M. Hoxie, (6) John R. Need- 



32 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

While the State Central Committee was engaged in 
working out the details of the campaigning machinery, 
the Congressional Conventions were being held, nomina- 
tions made, and declarations issued. The Republicans of 
the Second District led out with their Convention 70 at 
Iowa City on May 24th. The Convention was fully repre- 
sented and enthusiastic, with Mr. Hiram Price as the 
chairman. The question of making a declaration of prin- 
ciples was disposed of by reaffirming the recently adopted 
State platform, which in turn, it will be recalled, was a re- 
affirmation of the National platform — an evidence of 
perfect party articulation throughout. The Convention 
endorsed the record of William Vanclever in Congress by 
re-nominating him as their candidate for Eepresentative. 
Nevertheless, while Mr. Vandever was re-nominated by 
acclamation, it was not accomplished without a showing of 
hands by an informal ballot. The ballot 71 revealed two 
other aspirants, both popular men, William Penn Clarke 
and Jacob Butler, who together received eighty-eight of 
the votes cast, as opposed to Mr. Vandever 's two hundred 
and three. Outside of this contest one feature of the Con- 
vention was a speech by the eloquent young orator, Mr. 
Stewart L. Woodford of New York, who had come out 
west to stir the people with eastern Republicanism. 

The First District Republicans met a month later 
(June 20th) at Oskaloosa. 72 All the counties of the dis- 
trict, save a few of the smaller ones, were represented, 
and the work of the Convention was spirited. They also 
re-nominated their Representative, Mr. Samuel R. Curtis, 

ham, (7) W. A. Warren, (8) W. H. Tuthill, (9) S. J. W. Tabor, (10) W. 
B. Fairfield, (11) H. C. Henderson. 

™ Proceedings in the Iowa City Republican, May 3, 1860. 

« The ballot was: William Vandever, 203; William Penn Clarke, 44 j 
Jacob Butler, 44; William Smyth, 1. 

72 Ottumwa Courier, June 7, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 33 

though with less unanimity than in the Second District. 
There were three strong men in competition with Mr. 
Curtis for the prize. They were, William H. Seevers, 
James F. Wilson, and Alvin Saunders. Mr. Curtis, how- 
ever, on an informal ballot, 73 received a majority of sev- 
enteen votes and by acclamation was made the "unani- 
mous choice" of the convention. It is quite noticeable 
that as the Eepublicans came into possession of the of- 
fices, the number of aspirants to office-holding increased ; 
yet at this time the common bond of a great national issue 
kept them from breaking into factions over place, policy 
and power. This convention drew up a brief platform in 
keeping with Republican principles. 

The Democratic Congressional Conventions were not 
held until in July. The First District Convention as- 
sembled on the 11th at Des Moines, and the Second Dis- 
trict Convention at Cedar Rapids on the 17th. The calls 
for the conventions, however, had been issued early in 
June. 74 The Des Moines Convention coming just the day 
before the State Convention was quite large and enthusi- 
astic. 75 In this District the Democrats were hopeful of 
success, consequently the contest for the nomination was 
keen. Five candidates, all well known men, appeared in 
an informal ballot. Then with the withdrawal of one, 76 
and a second ballot, 77 Mr. C. C. Cole, although fifty-six 
votes behind the combined opposition, was made the nom- 
inee by "unanimous" action. 

73 The ballot was: Samuel E. Curtis, 124%; William H. Seevers, 64; 
James F. Wilson, 22%; Alvin Saunders, 21. 

74 Dubuque Herald, June 3, 1860. 

75 Proceedings in the Iowa State Journal, July 14, 1860. 

76 Henry H. Trimble, who had twice been honored with the nomination. 

77 The second ballot was: C. C. Cole, 104; P. Gad Bryan, 76; Thomas W. 
Claggett, 48; Henry Clay Dean, 36. 



34 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

The Cedar Eapids Convention 78 was comparatively 
small, there being but seventeen out of the fifty-eight 
counties represented. It was also less enthusiastic than 
the one at Des Moines and the contest for the nomination 
was rather tame, probably for the reason that the Demo- 
crats by this time had come to regard the nomination for 
Congress in that District as a forlorn hope. Mr. Ben M. 
Samuels, on an informal ballot, received almost the en- 
tire vote over Senator George Green from Linn County 
and John H. Peters of Delaware County. Speech-making 
was indulged in at both these District Conventions, Col. 
Thomas of Buchanan County arousing the delegates at 
Cedar Rapids with an old-time Democratic speech ; while 
at Des Moines a number of the leaders reviewed the past 
and depicted the status quo. 

Both conventions also passed resolutions. Those of 
the Second District merely endorsed the "Democratic 
doctrines on the subject of slavery and all other subjects 
indicated ' ' in the National platform and ratified the nom- 
ination of Douglas and Johnson. The Convention at Des 
Moines drew up an elaborate platform, restating some of 
the National and State issues and endorsing the National, 
State, and Congressional tickets. 79 

Of the organized agencies in this campaign, the one 
most potent and probably the one destined to live in 

78 Iowa Democratic Enquirer, July 26, 1860. 

79 The eulogy on Mr. Cole 's Democracy is especially interesting in view 
of the fact that he was so soon to leave the party. They say : ' ' That in 
the unanimous nomination of the Hon. C. C. Cole for Representative to 
Congress, this Convention feels a proud satisfaction in commending him to 
the people of this entire district as every whit worthy of the station to 
which he has this day been designated, combining as he does eminent legal 
and literary acquirements, with great moral worth, coupled with a large 
amount of political experience, and unwavering devotion to Democratic 
principles ; and we hereby pledge ourselves to him and to one another to use 
all honorable means to secure his election. ' ' 



CIVIL WAR AND EECONSTEUCTION PERIOD 35 

men's minds, was the club known as the "Wide-awakes". 
The importance of the Wide-awake companies was their 
enlistment of young men. But the Wide-awake move- 
ment was the successor of an earlier scheme to interest 
the young men in the campaign. 

One of the first, if not the first, young men's organiza- 
tions was formed in March at Muscatine, a political hot- 
house of that time. A call 80 was issued for the organiza- 
tion of a "Young Men's Republican Working Club for 
Bloomington Township", and it was to aid in the "ac- 
tive work of the approaching Presidential contest". 
Among the leaders of the movement and signers of the 
"call" were D. C. Richman, Theodore S. Parvin, Aaron 
Stein, John 0. Wilson, L. H. Washburn, and editor John 
Mania. 

At a meeting 81 in Tremont Hall on March 26th the or- 
ganization was effected by the adoption of a constitution 
and the election of officers. According to the preamble, 
it was the purpose of the club to secure "the ascendancy 
and perpetuity of the principles ' ' of the Republican party 
and also "the election of its candidates to all places of 
honor and trust in the Government". To this end the 
work of the club was to hold meetings, circulate "political 
documents", and promote the thorough organization of 
the Republican party in that township. Similar clubs 
were organized in other towns, but all were rather iso- 
lated and independent, and ere long gave place to the 
famous clubs of young Republicans, the Wide-awakes. 
This movement originated at Hartford, Connecticut, 82 
took possession of the East, and rapidly made its way 

so Muscatine Daily Journal, March 22, 1860. 
si Muscatine Daily Journal, March 27, 1860. 

82 See Nicolay and Hay's, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. II, pp. 284, 
285; and New York Tribune, June 2, 1860. 



36 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

westward. By July when the Republican campaigning 
propaganda was getting into form the Wide-awake move- 
ment reached Iowa. It was at Muscatine again where the 
first club was formally organized. 83 At this meeting on 
Thursday evening, July 20th, Mr. Henry O'Connor ap- 
peared dressed in a full Wide-awake uniform, consisting 
of cap and cape of oil-cloth, and a torch "warranted not 
to spill the fluid on the hand ' '. The Wide-awakes differed 
from the former clubs not only in their having uniforms, 
but also in their uniform constitution and organization. 

The constitution 84 admitted to membership any Re- 
publican over eighteen years of age. All members were 
required to sign the constitution and to "co-operate for 
the success of the Republican principles and the election 
of Lincoln and Hamlin, and the entire Republican tick- 
et", and then upon the payment of the fee of $2.00, they 
were given the uniform and became full-fledged Wide- 
awakes. The members of the companies were further- 
more bound upon honor to refrain from profanity, intoxi- 
cation, and ungentlemanly conduct upon all public oc- 
casions. Besides the usual officers of a club, there were a 
chaplain and three lieutenants to each company. These 
officers, together with the uniforms, torches and regular 
drills, were the military features of the organization 
which were calculated to attract young men. Instances 
are told of young Democrats being won into the ranks of 
the Republican party through the Wide-awakes. 

A club organized at Ottumwa made its first appearance 
on August 29th, 85 and so on throughout the State, the 
work of organization continued until nearly the time of 
the election. In all the rallies the Wide-awakes were con- 

83 Muscatine Daily Journal, July 21, 1860. 

s-* Constitution printed in Muscatine Daily Journal, July 23, 1860. 

ss Ottumwa Courier, August 30, 1860. 



CIVIL WAB AND BECONSTBUCTION PERIOD 37 

spicuous factors. In September a ''county encampment" 
was held at Muscatine, which illustrates both the prom- 
inence of the Wide-awakes and the character of the cam- 
paign rallies. Here they were given the front rank in a 
long procession which reproduced in pantomime the life 
of Lincoln, and in which the political issues of the day 
were also caricatured. 86 Again on October 4th at Iowa 
City there was a "grand Wide-awake procession" clos- 
ing with a "grand drill" for a prize of $100, on the last 
night of the State Fair. And on October 10th there was 
a "Great Public Day" at Keokuk, 87 where 25,000 people 
are reported to have been present to witness a Wide- 
awake procession of twenty-six companies with 2,500 in 
line. 

The campaign brought out the best known and ablest 
speakers of each party, as well as many new ones. The 
Eepublican cause was strengthened by the great speeches 
of Senators Harlan and Grimes; while Representatives 
Curtis and Vandever were in demand on long tours 
throughout their respective districts. Governor Kirk- 
wood left the executive chamber for the campaign stump, 
as did also others of the State House force, especially 

86 ' ' The Wide Awake companies came first in line. ... In the line 
were numerous flags, banners, mottoes, and many exceedingly ludicrous de- 
vices. The ' Rail Splitters ' of the Island rather excelled all other delega- 
tions in this respect. On one wagon, men were engaged splitting rails; 
another contained a flat-boat representing Lincoln's early life in Western 
waters. They had, also, some well gotten up caricatures. One represented 
a slaveholder about to cross the line separating free from slave territory 
with his gang of slaves, when he is confronted by the representatives of 
free labor in the persons of the Irishman, the German and the Yankee 
each of whom forbids it. . . . The Little Giant is busily endeavoring, 
with rails labeled respectively 'Lecompton', 'Squatter-Sovereignty', and 
' Dred Scott ', to fence in his Southern plantation. In this connection, a 
log represents the Dem. party split in two and rotten at the core. Old Abe 
stands over it with his maul and says ' I '11 finish it ' ' '. — Muscatine Daily 
Journal, September 15, 1860. 

87 Keokuk Gate City, October 11, 1860. 



38 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Attorney General C. C. Nourse and J. W. Cattell. Be- 
sides these the State-wide field called into service the 
candidates for State office, the nominees for electors, and 
some of the leading editors, such as James B. Howell, 
Clark Dunham, Frank W. Palmer, and others. Then, 
also, through the County Central Committees a vast ar- 
my of local speakers took the stump, and the young men 
especially were enlisted in holding schoolhouse rallies in 
the rural communities. Never before were such volleys 
of campaign thunder heard on the prairies of Iowa. 

The Democrats were not far behind in furnishing 
prominent men and able campaigners, though their cam- 
paigning organization was much less efficient. All the 
candidates for State office were out in force and, besides 
the Congressional candidates, Cole and Samuels, prob- 
ably the most effective speakers were the electoral nomi- 
nees, Le Grand Byington, the Rev. Henry Clay Dean, 
Lincoln Clark, and Martin Van Buren Bennett. The 
Democratic State Central Committee, as well as the corps 
of local speakers and newspaper men, were also on the 
stump. A prominent feature of the campaign was the 
series of joint debates, especially between the Congres- 
sional candidates of the First District, C. C. Cole and S. 
R. Curtis. 88 

But while the speaking was almost wholly done by 
home talent, there were at least two prominent out-of-the- 
state speakers brought to the Iowa platform — William 
H. Seward and Stephen A. Douglas. Both men spoke to 
great throngs of people eager to hear the issues from the 
lips of two of the foremost leaders in the National con- 

88 A Republican hand-bill announcing a joint debate between these two 
men at Keosauqua calls upon the public to come out and see the daring 
Democratic candidate, C. C. Gole, torn to pieces by Representative Samuel 
R. Curtis. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 39 

test. Seward spoke at Dubuque 89 on Friday, September 
21st, and his speech 90 made a deep impression upon the 
people. His message exalted free labor, and in his com- 
parisons he struck heavy blows at the system of slave 
labor. But, while Seward touched the mere border of the 
State, Douglas made a detour into the State, speaking at 
Iowa City 91 on October 9th, at Cedar Rapids 92 on the 10th 
and ending at Dubuque on the 11th. The "Little Giant" 
was applauded, and with a faith almost reverent the peo- 
ple hung upon his words ; yet he appeared as one in the 
enemy's country, weary and worn almost to exhaustion, 
fighting a losing battle. 

The campaign was thus a contest between the two 
great parties. The two minor factions did little cam- 
paigning and at most could but await the time when they 
could register their wills at the ballot box. The Repub- 
lican press as well as the speakers could with impunity 
ignore the Breckinridge faction, while the Constitutional 
Union men, more closely related, they could easily an- 
swer. This faction was sharply informed that the Re- 
publican party was "the only Union Party", 93 since, 
while all other parties were saying that the Union would 
be dissolved, it declared that "The Union must and shall 
be preserved". Thus again, it became quite clear that 
the contest was one between the Republicans on one side 
as against all other parties. The Democrats were espe- 
cially disturbed over the situation; for they felt keenly 
their loss in the Breckinridge bolt, as also to some extent 

89 Iowa State Register, September 26, 1860. 

90 Seward's Works (Baker's Ed.), Vol. IV, pp. 368-385. 
9i Iowa State Press, October 16, 1860. 

92 Cedar Democrat, October 11, 1860. 

93 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 6, 1860. 



40 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

through Bell and Everett, and anxiously declared that 
something should be done to defeat the Republicans. 

There was talk of " fusion", which was advocated by 
some as the only means of bringing about that much cov- 
eted result, but the Democrats themselves divided on the 
question and misunderstandings arose. The Davenport 
Democrat charged the Dubuque Herald with advocating 
fusion. Editor Mahoney retorted that the only fusion he 
had advocated was ' ' the laying down of arms by all bolt- 
ers, and giving their votes to Douglas and Johnson". 94 
He then appealed to all, regardless of party, who be- 
lieved with him that the extremists both in the North and 
in the South were wrong, to give their support to the 
"true Democracy". This frenzied despair of the Demo- 
crats, that something had to be done to defeat the Re- 
publicans, together with the fusion talk, called forth the 
sarcastic rejoinder of the Republicans that there was only 
one party trying to elect anybody; all the others were 
merely opposing that election. 93 

On the eve of the election the Republican press printed 
the election laws of the State and warned all Republicans 
to obey the same and to see to it that those of other 
parties did likewise. Voters on both sides were instruct- 
ed as to challenging at the polls, they were repeatedly 
warned against bogus tickets, 90 printed "pasters" were 
to be prepared for every precinct, and partisans every- 
where were cautioned about having sufficient tickets on 
hand and to see that they were given out to every voter. 

94 Dubuque Herald, October 27, 1860. 

95 Said Mr. Mahin : ' ' There is only one party in the country now trying 
to elect anybody. The Republicans are trying to elect Abraham Lincoln. 
The other parties are merely opposed to the election of Lincoln." — Musca- 
tine Daily Journal, November 5, 1860. 

96 For instance, a ticket headed by Lincoln and Hamlin, with the names 
of the Democratic electors pinned underneath. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 41 

The last admonitions were: "Let no Kepublican voter 
remain at home"; 97 "Let no Democratic voter stay away 
from the polls ". 9S 

Furthermore, election day was looked upon as the best 
day for effective campaigning. On Monday morning the 
5th, editor John Mahin gave out the characteristic order : 
"Stay by the polls and proffer tickets ! Urge the waver- 
ing and the doubtful. Let no one scratch his ticket. If 
you devote the whole day to save a vote for Abraham Lin- 
coln, our State ticket, or Charles S. Foster, 99 it will be 
the best day's work of the year". 100 This was matched 
by Mr. Mahoney a week earlier, when he urged, not the 
Democrats, but "the people", to "come to the polls . . 
. . defeat the hopes of the Lincolnites and give your 
votes to Douglas". 101 He at the same time appealed to 
the Democrats to "bring the State back", to which end 
they were to "vote the Democratic ticket straight". The 
Democrats apparently were making a real fight to regain 
the State, while the Republicans, secure in their position, 
were so nearly absorbed in the national issues that they 
at the last feared for the safety of the State ticket and 
for several days previous to, and on the morning of elec- 
tion day, repeatedly called attention to this fact. Interest 
in the National ticket, however, was really no detraction 
from the State ticket, and the party went to the polls with 
the grim determination to "make the election decisive 
this time", 102 so far as the question of slavery extension 

97 Iowa State Register, November 3, 1860. 

» 8 Iowa State Journal, November 5, 1860. 

so A local candidate for clerk of the District Court of Muscatine County. 

ioo Muscatine Daily Journal, November 5, 1860. 

ioi Dubuque Herald, October 1, 1860. 

102 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 5, 1860. 



42 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

was concerned. How well the Republicans lined up for a 
straight party vote will be seen. 

THE ELECTION 

The long, hard-fought campaign came to a climax on 
election day, Tuesday, November 6th. The next morning 
and indeed for several days, the returns showed "a 
strange mixture of odds and ends". 103 The somewhat 
doubtful confidence of the Republicans as to the election 
at large was buoyed by the press. Startling headlines, 
pictures of "the big gun" mounted with the flag — for 
they could not then disassociate a political campaign 
from a military encounter — and guesses in large figures 
adorned the columns of the newspapers. 

Iowa Republicans were confident of the outcome of the 
election at home. The State would without doubt give 
Lincoln a majority and the estimates ran up all the way 
from 10,000 to 30,000. Iowans were anxious about the 
result in other States ; they shared the common fear that 
the closeness of the electoral vote might throw the final 
choice into the House of Representatives. By the 8th, 
however, enough was known to make Lincoln's election 
quite certain, and "Three cheers for Old Abe" was heard 
everywhere. 104 On the 9th 105 all doubt was cleared awaj^ 
and people read the startling, almost sensational, news 
that all the northern States but one — New Jersey — had 
gone for Lincoln, with majorities ranging from 4,500 in 
Rhode Island to 70,000 each in Pennsylvania and Massa- 
chusetts, and with even New York not far behind. The 
Democratic papers generally from the first conceded the 
election to the Republicans. The Dubuque Herald put it 

103 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 7, 1860. 

104 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 8, 1860. 

105 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 9, 1860. 



CIVIL WAE AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 4J 

mildly that "Lincoln's election is possible", and admit- 
ted that there was a general increase of Republican ma- 
jorities in the Northern States. 106 

The contest in Iowa, of course, was between the Lin- 
coln and Douglas supporters; consequently with the as- 
sured victory of the Republicans the defeated Douglas 
party had to bear the brunt of Republican exuberance and 
jibes. The greatest torture that the Democrats could be 
subjected to, was to see everywhere the comparison of 
the electoral votes of Lincoln and of Douglas. These 
were summarized by the graphic method of the pyra- 
mid, 107 which conceded to Douglas a hollow shell resting 
upon the then doubtful State of Missouri, while the Re- 
publicans were awarded a solid cone of sixteen States. 
The Republicans also took great delight in the apparent 
satisfaction which each of the opposing Democratic fac- 
tions got out of the defeat of the other. Breckinridge 
Democrats were heard to express satisfaction in the de- 

106 Dubuque Herald, November 7, 1860. 

107 The Muscatine Daily Journal of November 20th presented the Re- 
publican Pyramid; then on the 22nd printed the Democratic, showing the 
hollowness of the Douglas vote. 

Republican pyramid Douglas pyramid 
Ohio 

Iowa - 

Maine ... 

Indiana ... 

Vermont .... 

Illinois .... 
Wisconsin 

Michigan 

New York 

Minnesota 

Connecticut 

New Hampshire 

Rhode Island 

Pennsylvania M i s 9 o u r i 
Massachusetts Hurrah for D-O-U-G-L-A-S (maybe) 



44 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

feat of Douglas, while Douglas men rejoiced that "Old 
Abe had beaten Breckinridge". The Bell and Everett 
followers had expected nothing and so took great satis- 
faction in the fact that their "principles" had carried 
in the border States — a good omen of holding the Union 
together. "The result seems to satisfy everybody", said 
John Mahin, "and the country is once more safe". 10S 
This may have expressed the feelings of the Republicans ; 
but if so, they were soon to be convinced of the falsity of 
both statements. 

The result in the State was attributed both to the sys- 
tematic campaigning 109 and to the uprising of the masses, 
after sober investigation, against the evils of slavery. 110 
Organization and purpose, then, may be taken as the key 
to the result in Iowa. It was this too, which characterized 
Iowa Republicanism throughout the Civil War and the 
Reconstruction period. Organization in fact both pre- 
supposed and necessitated unity of purpose. The leaders 
felt that they had a mission, and moved somewhat by the 
spirit of crusaders, they extended their propaganda into 
every nook and corner of the State, making proselytes to 
their sacred cause. 

But the Republican victory would not be complete with- 
out the accompaniment of its logical culmination, a prop- 
er recognition of the event. Consequently a series of rati- 
fication meetings, love feasts, and celebrations were held 
the entire State over. During the month of November, 
nearly every large town and many villages ratified with 
mass meetings which were characterized by processions, 
bands, and illuminations, feasting and speech-making. 
One of the first of the large ratifications held was at Iowa 

108 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 10, 1860. 
ioo Muscatine Daily Journal, November 12, 1860. 
no Iowa City 'Republican, November 21, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 45 

City 111 on the 10th, and among others of considerable in- 
terest were those at Ottmnwa 112 on the 11th, at Keokuk 113 
on the 13th, at Des Moines 114 on the 15th, and on the same 
date a Lincoln ball at Dubuque, 115 a great meeting at 
Muscatine 110 on the 16th, and another at Charles City 117 
on the 21st. 

The ratification at Muscatine is illustrative of these 
celebrations. It was held on Friday evening, November 
16th, after a week's planning, 118 and was an elaborate af- 
fair, taking in delegations from several adjoining coun- 
ties. At the appointed time the city was astir in full 
dress for the occasion, residences and stores all along the 
route of the procession being gorgeously decorated with 
flags, bunting, portraits, and banners. The streets were 
lined with cheering thousands to witness the procession, 
long and stately. Here, as in the campaign, the chief at- 
traction were the Wide-awakes who received the Chau- 
tauqua salutations of the ladies. The heavens were made 
radiant with fire works in advance of the procession, 
while at the courthouse yard, where the speaking was to 
take place, the thunder of cannons rent the air. At the 
gathering Judge Mason presided, and enthusiasm was in- 
stilled into the throng by the speeches of Jacob Butler, 
William Gr. Woodward, George W. Van Home, and oth- 
ers. At the close of the ceremonies the crowd joined in 
the accustomed "three cheers" for the Union, the Con- 
stitution and the Laws. 

in Iowa City Republican, November 14, 1860. 

112 Ottumwa Courier, November 15, 1860. 

us Keokuk Gate City, November 14, 1860. 

11 4 Iowa State Journal, November 19, 1860. 

us Dubuque Herald, November 17, 1860. 

ii6 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 19, 1860. 

ii7 Charles City Intelligencer, November 29, 1860. 

us Muscatine Daily Journal, November 9 and 13, 1860. 



46 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

At some places the Democrats joined in the jollifica- 
tions, while at others opposing factions attempted to 
dampen the ardor by taunting burlesques or mock rati- 
fications. An instance of this is seen in the Muscatine 
celebration, where Mr. Anderson Chambers draped his 
residence in black and where transparencies were flung 
from Garrettson & Wiley's store, bearing the inscription : 
"Irresistible conflict — Wheat 60 cents and going down 
— Exchange 5 per cent and going up ' '. At some of the 
ratifications, as at the earlier rallies also, fights were not 
uncommon and further hard feelings were engendered. 
Under the peculiar circumstances it is safe to say that 
the celebrations were not calculated to assuage the stings 
of defeat, nor to allay the fears of the Democrats that the 
Republicans would be revolutionary in the National ad- 
ministration. 

That Iowa Republicans should rejoice was but natural 
and perfectly proper, for they had made large invest- 
ments in the cause. But while they were all along con- 
fident of the State, they were not prepared for such sur- 
prising majorities as some counties returned, nor yet for 
the sweeping victories in many other States. These so 
intoxicated them that they committed the common error 
of claiming too much for their State and making the Re- 
publican triumph in the State seem greater and more 
overwhelming than the facts warranted. An examination 
of this vote will reveal a situation which the partisan stu- 
dent should ponder. 

In 1860 the population of the State was 674,913/ 19 of 
which 1,825 were colored. There was a voting population 
of about 140,000 and the total vote cast for President was 
128,431, distributed among the four tickets in the field as 

us Official Begister for 1909-1910, p. 808. 



CIVIL WAB AND BECONSTEUCTION PERIOD 47 

follows : Republicans, 70,409 ; Douglas Democracy, 55,111 ; 
Constitutional Union, 1,763; Breckinridge Democracy, 
1,048. It is seen that Lincoln thus had a plurality of 
15,298, and a majority vote of 12,387. 120 The vote by 
counties shows that the Republicans had indeed swept 
the State, and gained a number of counties since the elec- 
tion of 1856, Lincoln carrying 71 to Douglas's 24 counties. 
The Wright County returns for some reason were not 
filed with the State Department, although the county went 
Republican in 1856. To offset this, one county (Marion) 
now Democratic, had sent in no returns in 1856. 121 Thus 
the Republicans carried three-fourths of the counties of 
the State, winning eight 122 which in 1856 were Demo- 
cratic; while the Democrats won back but one county 
from the Republican column of 1856. 123 It should be no- 
ticed also that of the twenty-four Douglas counties, the 
election was quite close in at least nine, 124 being one-third 
of them, while in the seventy-one Lincoln counties it was 
also close in nine, 125 which was but one-eighth of the total 
number. Then, too, there were eighteen new counties 
participating in their first Presidential election. Ten of 
these were Republican and seven Democratic, while in 

120 Election Archives for 1860. 

i-i Two counties, Lyon and Osceola, were still unorganized in 1860. 

122 D es Moines, Jackson, Monona, Guthrie, Lucas, Pottawattamie, Taylor, 
and Van Buren. 

123 Madison County. 

124 The nine counties were as follows, the Douglas vote being stated first 
and the Lincoln vote second: Adair, 44 to 42; Calhoun, 20 to 19; Carroll, 
26 to 25; Clay, 13 to 8; Lee, 2,635 to 2,618; Marion, 1,607 to 1,508; 
O'Brien, 10 to 8; Union, 208 to 198; Winnebago, 25 to 24. 

125 The nine counties were as follows, the Lincoln vote being stated first 
and the Douglas vote second: Allamakee, 1,185 to 1,151; Guthrie, 326 to 
306; Harrison, 385 to 357; Jackson, 1,575 to 1,504; Jefferson, 1,462 to 
1,285; Keokuk, 1,330 to 1,193; Pottawattamie, 413 to 412; Van Buren, 
1,667 to 1,548; Webster, 253 to 213. 



48 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

one (Buena Vista) the twelve votes tied Lincoln and 
Douglas. The new counties which went Republican did 
so by larger majorities than those which went Democratic. 

The Democratic strongholds were in the counties of Ap- 
panoose, Davis and Dubuque. Fairly large majorities 
were also secured in Decatur, Fremont, Madison, and 
Wapello, in all of which Douglas had more votes than that 
of the combined opposition. In several of the close Doug- 
las counties there was a clear majority — as in Marion 
and Wayne; and, likewise, where there were no third 
party votes cast, Douglas had a majority in Audubon, 
Boone (one exception), Calhoun, Carroll, Clay, Greene, 
Union, and Winnebago. The proportionally largest 
Douglas vote is found in the sparsely settled counties of 
Palo Alto, Sac, and Sioux, where the vote, of course, was 
small. In Lee and O'Brien counties Douglas won by a 
plurality vote, as also in Adair, where he tied with all 
others. 126 

Lincoln had majorities in sixty-nine counties, in seven- 
teen of which there were but the two tickets — Repub- 
lican and Douglas Democracy ; and, like Douglas, in only 
three counties did Lincoln win by mere pluralities. These 
were Pottawattamie, Webster, and Woodbury. Only one 
county in the State gave all its votes to one man, Lincoln 
getting the thirty-six votes in Emmett County. The large 
Republican vote as compared to that of the Democrats 
is seen in the list of eighteen counties 127 giving Lin- 
coln majorities from 100 per cent up. This shows the 
Republican stronghold to have been in the northeast- 
ern part of the State. Besides these there were a num- 

126 Adair went: Douglas, 44; Lincoln, 42; Bell, 1; Breckenridge, 1. 

127 These counties were : Blackhawk, Cerro Gordo, Clayton, Delaware, Fay- 
ette, Franklin, Hamilton, Hardin, Henry, Jasper, Linn, Louisa, Marshall, 
Mitchell, Montgomery, Muscatine, Scott, Winnebago. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 49 

ber of small counties which gave Lincoln very large 
per centum majorities. 128 With such majorities, with 
an increase in the vote, and with the control of all the 
State offices as well as many more of the local offices than 
before, and adding to this the divided state of the Demo- 
crats, it is no wonder that the Republicans regarded the 
State as their own. 

A word about the Bell-Everett and Breckinridge votes 
will suffice. These were small and scattering, the 1,763 
votes of the former being distributed in sixty-two coun- 
ties, and the 1,048 of the latter in fifty-three. There was 
considerable activity in a few localities, yet there were no 
real centers of strength. There were only six counties 
in which more than one hundred votes were cast for Bell 
and Everett. 129 The largest vote polled was 226 in Davis 
County, a Douglas stronghold. This was nine times the 
Breckinridge vote, twenty-five per cent of the Douglas 
vote, and one and one-half per cent of the Lincoln vote. 
The highest Breckinridge vote 130 was eighty-five in Mus- 
catine County, where the Republicans had made great 
gains over the Democrats. This was five per cent of Lin- 
coln's vote and seven per cent of Douglas's vote, while it 
was but half of the Bell-Everett vote. In only one county 
did a third-party ticket poll a larger vote than one of the 
two leading parties. 131 And again, where the largest 
third-party votes appear, we find that they were mere 
fractions of the votes cast by the Republicans and Doug- 
hs The vote in these counties was: Cherokee, 10 to 3; Dickinson, 46 to 7; 
Grundy, 141 to 19; Hancock, 29 to 4; Humboldt, 55 to 8; Kossuth, 64 to 
20; Plymouth, 32 to 6; and Worth, 109 to 30. 

12 9 Bell-Everett vote: 26 counties gave from 1 to 10; 17 counties gave 
from 10 to 50; 6 counties gave above 100. 

130 Breckinridge vote: 24 counties gave from 1 to 10; 22 counties gave 
from 10 to 50; 6 counties gave above 50. 

i3i Humboldt county: Lincoln, 55; Breckinridge, 10; Douglas, 8. 



50 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

las Democrats. Hence, from all of the above facts, we 
may conclude that these political factions were but nega- 
tive expressions. They were the remnants of the Fill- 
more vote of 1856 and of the extreme pro-slavery sym- 
pathizers, extant in the Eepublican State of Iowa. 

But now the question arises, was this sweeping victory 
real or apparent? Were the Republicans right in esti- 
mating Iowa's vote and in believing that they had ef- 
fected a party landslide? That they did, is an idea cur- 
rent even to-day. But was the Republican increase rela- 
tively so much greater than the Democratic? To get at 
the facts in the case, it will be necessary to make a com- 
parison of the vote of 1860 with that of 1856. 

In the election of 1856, the Republicans had a plurality 
over the Democrats of 7,784 votes, compared with a plur- 
ality of 15,298 in 1860. They thus almost doubled their 
plurality. However, both parties made large gains, the 
Republicans gaining 60 per cent, while the Democrats 
gained 52 per cent — a difference of 8 per cent. The Re- 
publican vote, it is fair to assume, was greatly increased 
by winning over the bulk of the Fillmore vote of 1856, 
while the Democrats looked largely to migration and nat- 
uralization for their increase. But the Democrats must 
have suffered loss almost to the extent of the Breckin- 
ridge votes (1,048), since very few of those came from the 
old Fillmore vote, which, however, contributed largely if 
not entirely, to the Bell-Everett vote (1,763). The Re- 
publicans then must have received about eight-ninths of 
the Fillmore vote without losing to a third party as the 
Democrats must have done. This eight-ninths of the 
Fillmore vote went to swell the Republican majorities, 
which was 35 per cent of their increase since 1856. 

To get at the relative increase of each party in the 
State, we must find the per cent increase of each in the 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 51 

different counties. Obviously the eighteen new counties, 
since they had no vote in 1856, must be omitted from the 
comparison, which leaves us seventy-seven counties — 
sixty-one Republican and sixteen Democratic. Now, there 
was a Republican increase in all of the sixty-one Repub- 
lican counties but two — Kossuth and Webster 132 — while 
the Democrats made gains in all of them. The Repub- 
lican gain per cent was greater than that of the Demo- 
crats in thirty-one counties, and the Democratic gain per 
cent was greater than that of the Republicans in thirty 
counties. Thus we see that in the Republican counties, 
the Democrats were not hopelessly defeated; on the con- 
trary, they kept pace with the Republicans. 

Noting now the relative increase in the sixteen Demo- 
cratic counties, we find that the Democrats made gains in 
all of them ; while the Republicans again lost in two — 
Adair and Sac. The Republican gain per cent however, 
was greater than that of the Democrats in eleven coun- 
ties, while the Democratic gain per cent was greater than 
that of the Republican in but five counties. Thus the Re- 
publican gain was relatively the greatest in the counties 
under Democratic control. Here and in the new counties 
is where the difference in favor of the Republicans ap- 
pears. But the election reveals a remarkable evenness 
in the increase made by the two parties during a period 
of four years. Of course the vote in the new counties was 
to the great advantage of the Republicans, Lincoln's to- 
tal being 810, to Douglas's 361. Hence the conclusion is, 
on comparing the votes in the counties which voted for 
President in both the elections of 1856 and 1860, that the 
percentage of increase was nearly as great in the Demo- 
cratic party as in the Republican. 

The Republican vote for the State and Congressional 

132 Kossuth lost 56 per cent of the vote of 1856, and Webster lost 37 
per cent. 



52 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

tickets was relatively larger than for the National ticket. 
Elijah Sells, for Secretary of State, 133 received a majori- 
ty of 13,670 over John M. Corse. Bnt while this was 
greater than Lincoln's majority, it was less than his 
plurality. No doubt some of the Breckinridge Democrats 
and even Constitutional Union men, since neither had a 
State ticket, voted for the Democratic candidate ; or pos- 
sibly there were Eepublicans who voted for the Repub- 
lican State ticket, but not for the National. The Con- 
gressional votes 134 showed great Republican gains, the 
vote in the First District being a real surprise, for S. R. 
Curtis won over C. C. Cole by a majority of 3,693. In the 
Second District William Vandever's majority over Ben 
M. Samuels was 9,499. This was a larger vote, but a 
smaller gain than in the First District. 

The Republican vote reveals a solidarity lacking in that 
of the Democrats. It will be seen that the total Repub- 
lican vote cast for Representatives was about the same 
(35 more) as the vote for Secretary of State, while the 
corresponding Democratic vote was 510 greater. It must 
be that in this case also the adherents of the minor parties 
fused with the Democrats to defeat the Republican Con- 
gressional ticket. 

All in all it was a complete triumph for the Republic- 
ans. The State was now apparently safe in their grasp. 
Yet while that was true, they were soon to be disturbed 
by the threatening attitude of one of the defeated parties 
in the National contest. Graver questions than manipu- 
lating conventions, drafting party platforms, organizing 

133 Vote for Secretary of State: Elijah Sells, 70,706; John M. Corse, 
57,036.— Election Archives of 1860. 

is* Vote for Representatives in Congress: First District: Samuel R. Cur- 
tis, 33,936; Chester C. Cole, 30,240. Second District: William Vandever, 
36,805; Ben M. Samuels, 27,306.— Election Archives of 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 53 

campaigns, and making speeches were now to occupy the 
attention of men, and to test the strength of their political 
convictions. 



Chapter III 
THE POST-ELECTION ISSUES IN IOWA 

ATTITUDE TOWARD THE SECESSION MOVEMENT 

While on the night of election day the Republicans 
"went to bed satisfied with all the world", 135 and after 
Lincoln's election was practically assured, rejoiced that 
everybody seemed to be satisfied with the result and that 
"the country is once more safe", 1 ' 50 they little suspected 
that the election in which they rejoiced was to be the ex- 
cuse for the greatest crisis in the country's history. The 
safety of the Nation was soon to be seriously jeopardized. 
It is true Ihal threats of secession were made during the 
campaign, conditioned on the election of Mr. Lincoln, but 
in the main neither the Republicans nor the Democrats 
gave (hem serious consideration. 

Even now the Republicans generally treated the move- 
ment in a light vein. 1::T They had no fears of the success 
of such an attempt; to them it was a huge joke. Mr. 
James B. Howell, editor of the Keokuk Gate City, ridi- 
culed the threat of "the fire-eaters, the dough-faces and 
the bell I oilers" that Lincoln's election would result in 
secession. 1 :s lie was not disturbed by any evil forebod- 
ings; the heavens were not, on the day after election, 
"clothed in gloom in anticipation of such an awful split 
in the Union". 1 '''' On the contrary, to the Republicans 

138 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 9, 1860. 
iso Muscatine Daily Journal, November 10, 1860 
i87 Ottumwa Courier, December 26, I860. 
is8 Keokuk Gate City, November 6, 1860. 
i3» Keokuk Gate City, November 8, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 55 

the election was "the victory of freedom" and second 
only in importance to the American Revolution; for, it 
was the people's re affirmation of the Declaration of In- 
dependence, and would nationalize freedom. 140 This was 
prophetic of what was so soon to come. Mr. John Malun 
called the promised South Carolina Convention "all a 
bluff". He had no fear for the integrity of the Union, 
since the conservative masses there would speedily attend 
to the "demonstrative little faction of traitors". 1 " The 
same opinion was expressed by Mr. Charles Ald.ieh of the 

Hamilton Freeman. 142 

Nor did the Republicans seem to think secession a great 
thing even it' accomplished. Some thoughl that the best 
way to treat South Carolina was to let her alone. Mr. 
Mahin thought that by such treatment the State, "like a 
child in a pout", would "come to its supper". He advo- 
cated taking away Federal privileges, such as the mails, 
courts, and custom houses, from the State. Such depriva- 
tions together with the loss of $300,000 from the Na- 
tional Treasury, as well as the loss of their negroes, who 
in case of secession would not be returned —these things 
the rebellious little State might suffer for her fun. The 
only Hiing now needed, thought he, was for President 
Buchanan to say: "I will not trouble you; glad to see you 
take care of yourself, hope you will have success". " :; 
Similar sentiments were expressed by others, even after 

1*0 Oitumwa Courier, November 8, 1860. 

141 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 17, 1860. 

i*2 Hamilton Freeman, November 24, 1860. "The conservative masses of 
the South — and they outnumber the secessionists more than three to one- 
;in . airea.ly in motion and their wis.- and moderate councils seem likely to 
, m .vi.il. That the disunion bubble will only make a fizzling, spluttering, 
harmless explosion, seems to be the general opinion of the country at large." 

m Muscatine Daily Journal, November 14, 1860. 



56 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the threat had been carried out in action. 144 The Fort 
Dodge Republican accepted secession by saying, "So far 
as South Carolina is concerned we say let her go and 
make her stay". 145 As late as February 12th a corre- 
spondent to the Gate City suggested that there never was 
a better time for the South to draw off than then. Said 
he : "We shall be stronger in 1870 without the South than 
with it, however hard the separation may be." 146 

Later the tone changed. Before the actual secession 
took place even, as signs appeared more threatening, the 
editors — those moulders of public opinion and spokes- 
men for the people — became more serious. And, as at 
first they dismissed the subject with a few lines in jest, or 
heaped vituperative rhetoric upon the "fire-eaters", they 
now began to write lengthy articles analyzing the pros 
and cons on the question of secession. Naturally the Re- 
publicans sought a cause for the threatened secession, 
other than the election of Lincoln. The feeling was that 
South Carolina had other and sinister motives, and that 
they were not hard to find. Said Mr. Howell : ' ' One ob- 
ject of the flurry at the South is without doubt, to fright- 
en the North into a compromise on the slavery ques- 
tion." 147 Mr. Aldrich thought the object was the restora- 
tion of the African slave trade. 148 John Mahin also held 
to this view and thought that the slave States on the bor- 

14* The Ottumwa Courier in the issue of December 26, I860, said: "That 
pestilent little State or Kingdom of S. C. has at last walked deliberately 
out of the Union, and so far as she can do it, dissolved her connection with 
the rest of the world. At last accounts she was trying to find a substitute 
for the Gov 't of Uncle Sam, with a reasonable prospect of having a good 
time of it." 

145 Fort Dodge Republican, January 1, 1861. 

^ Keokuk Gate City, February 12, 1861. 

1*7 Keokuk Gate City, November 22, 1860. 

148 Hamilton Freeman, December 2, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 57 

der would act according to a majority vote of their sister 
States to the south. 149 

Slavery was thus regarded as at the bottom of seces- 
sion. None believed that Lincoln's election was the real 
ground for the movement. Furthermore, so far as South 
Carolina was concerned, she cherished disunion senti- 
ments of long standing, whose ebullitions at stated inter- 
vals would of course take place. 150 The northern leaders 
under the necessity of putting on a bold front, found con- 
solation and peace of mind in the paling hope that the 
" conservative masses" of the South would assert them- 
selves and dispel the " secession bubble". The abstract 
right of secession, too, was discussed, and by some de- 
cided in the negative, while others regarded its solution 
as "a problem for the future to determine". 151 Of course 
along with the question of secession, were discussed, as 
we shall see, the questions of compromise and coercion. 

The Democrats were divided, though naturally the vast 
majority of them listened for the voice of their idol, Mr. 
Douglas. His position expressed immediately after the 
election was generally accepted by them as their plat- 
form. The Republicans also accepted it, and used it as 
Administration-supporting and Union-saving material. 
Douglas analyzed the situation in a letter 152 written while 
yet at New Orleans, whence he had gone for his last cam- 
paign speech. He held that the election was constitu- 
tional, and that, instead of its result being a cause for se- 
cession, it was but a pretext of the disunionists for car- 
rying out what they had previously determined upon, 

149 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 15, 1860. 

150 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 26, 1860. 

i5i Fort Dodge Republican, November 21, 1860. 

152 Letter printed by the Muscatine Daily Journal of November 21, 1860, 
and printed by many other Eepublican papers. 



58 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

independent of that event. He assured the South that 
they had nothing to fear from obnoxious laws, for none 
would be enacted, since there was an anti-Republican ma- 
jority in Congress. The only harm that could possibly 
come to the South from that direction would be by their 
own withdrawal. Douglas, like most Northerners, how- 
ever, made the mistake of thinking that the threat was a 
mere bluff. He thought it would "likely subside when 
reason gets the better of insane passion". The Repub- 
lican press everywhere applauded the "Little Giant". 

The position, at this time, of Dennis A. Mahoney, who 
may be counted with the pro-slavery Democrats, is sig- 
nificant in view of his known tendencies and later course. 
He thought that the threat to dissolve the Union on ac- 
count of Lincoln's election produced little effect, and re- 
garded his election as harmless, since his party was a 
minority in Congress. 153 Later, while he regarded the 
election of Lincoln as no just pretext on the part of the 
South for secession, he also accepted the New York Her- 
ald's prophecy that secession would follow, and that the 
only remedy was to remove the existing causes in the 
North. 154 His paper became more and more openly sym- 
pathetic with secession. His readers were informed of 
"Enthusiastic Disunion Meetings" in the South, and the 
successive "Declarations of Independence" were at least 
passively applauded. 155 

On the day of election Mr. Mahoney published his 
"Declaration of Principles" and laid down two funda- 
mental Constitutional propositions, namely, that Con- 
stitutional rights should be guaranteed and Constitution- 
al safeguards enforced. It is quite plain to what and 

153 Dubuque Herald, November 7, 1860. 
is* Dubuque Herald, November 21, 1860. 
155 Dubuque Herald from November 21st on. 



CIVIL WAS AND EECONSTBUCTION PERIOD 5;) 

to whom he referred. He also thought that there were 
fundamental questions of Constitutional law involved in 
the issues between the Democrats and Republicans, which 
should be determined by a judicial opinion rather than 
by a political party. While he recognized the right of a 
partisan to express his opinions on these questions, yet 
that might be allowed only until the "judicial opinion" 
should have been rendered. One can see in this state- 
ment the shadow of the Dred Scott Decision, the parting 
of the ways between Mahoney and the Douglas Democ- 
racy. To him, however, the really disconcerting and dan- 
gerous thing was the divided state of the Democrats 
themselves, both factions of whom claimed orthodoxy on 
opinions of Constitutional law. He now urged them to 
lay aside their differences on the slavery question and 
present a united front against the victorious minority 
party. 

That the Republicans were really a minority in Con- 
gress was not the only encouraging fact; Mr. Mahoney 
found hope in the discovery of a great difference 
between Lincoln and his party. Two weeks after the 
election, in an editorial on "The President-elect", 150 he 
proceeds to show that Lincoln's record does not square 
with the declarations of his party. The South thus has 
less to fear from the former than from the latter. He 
believes that a majority of that party are even ready "to 
break with Seward & Co."; and, if in that event Lincoln 
should devote himself to his country's good, "posterity 
will bless him for preserving the Union and perpetuating 
the institutions [one of them slavery] which found exist- 
ence in it, to posterity." With Lincoln, then, it must be 
either his country or his party, and "he will elevate the 
one or tear down and destroy the other ' '. Mahoney thus 

156 Dubuque Herald, November 21, 1860. 



60 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

would hold Lincoln absolutely responsible for whatever 
happens, and tauntingly asks him to choose as between 
his country and his party. In Lincoln's hands, according 
to his record, the pro-slavery safeguards will be respect- 
ed, but not so with his party; for its declarations are 
dangerous and, according to them, the status quo would 
be disturbed. Two things are quite evident here. One 
is that Mr. Mahoney did not know the declaration of the 
Republican platform relative to domestic slavery; and 
the second is that so far as this exponent of Democracy 
was concerned the Republican President could with im- 
punity disregard his party declarations. Mr. Mahoney 
evidently was not a stickler for the binding effects of 
' ' party pledges ' ' upon a candidate. 

The Democrats also discussed the question of the right 
of secession and naturally two views appeared. One is 
the bald "State Sovereignty" view expressed in a letter 
from "Senex" to the Dubuque Herald. 1 * 1 The other and 
most popular view confessed faith in the Jacksonian 
views of 1832. Said the State Press "they [Jackson's 
views] will unquestionably be adopted by the Democratic 
party in the present crisis, as the chart by which it will be 
guided." 158 But when the Administration showed a hesi- 
tancy and uncertainty, the Press like all the papers 
turned its attention to the question of compromise. The 
fact of secession was conceded; 159 and the important 
question now was not as to the theory, but the immediate 
need of reversing the fact. 

187 It is not surprising to find so many men, who, we should suppose, 
ought to know better, denying the right of a sovereign State on any account 
to separate from the Union. To deny this right is to deny State sovereignty, 
and to deny State sovereignty is to deny the legality of all Gov't under this 
Union of States". — Dubuque Herald, January 13, 1861. 

iss state Press, November 20, 1860. 

159 state Press, December 13, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 61 

THE COMPROMISE MOVEMENT 

Secession had its counter-movement in the compromise 
proposals. Ii is generally regarded that the masses were 
in favor of a compromise — Republicans as well as Dem- 
ocrats. This seems to be an inference drawn from the 
fact that compromise had been for seventy years the only 
known method applied to adjusting the differences on 
the slavery question. Further, it is held that had it not 
been for a few persistent leaders the breach now threat- 
ening would have been closed by the same method; and 
that, if Lincoln, the President-elect, had spoken the word, 
the compromise scheme would have succeeded. Lincoln 
did say the word, but it was emphatically against any 
compromise; and thus the tide was turned, the compro- 
mise failed, and Lincoln must be held responsible for the 
long and bloody war which followed. 160 Mr. Rhodes 
reaches the conclusion that Lincoln's influence "was the 
most potent in defeating the Crittenden Compromise". 101 
This may be true, yet there is another fact that is too 
often overlooked, and that is the attitude of the masses 
and of many influential men who acted as representatives 
of the popular will as expressed in the Chicago platform 
of 1860. Mr. Rhodes recognizes this inadvertently, when 
he says that Lincoln's mind was made up after studying 
with care the trend of Northern sentiment with reference 
to compromise, and concludes thus: "after weighing with 
care the considerations of each side, it will appear that 
the Republicans and Lincoln may be justified in having 
refused acceptance of the compromise measures". This 
is quite significant, although a back-door admission that 

160 This is the position taken by our leading scholars — Rhodes, Nicolay 
and Hay, Chadwick, and others. 

lei See Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 158-161, 164- 
170. 



62 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Lincoln expressed the will of his party. It recognizes 
that the party had a creed and that Lincoln was chosen 
to carry it out, a position which Iowa Republicanism 
certainly demonstrates. Lincoln could not consistent- 
ly have taken any other position, nor could his party. 
It thus becomes obvious and a feature not to be over- 
looked that Lincoln based his unequivocal determina- 
tion upon the Chicago platform, 162 and especially on ar- 
ticles 8 and 9 concerning the extension of slavery into the 
public territory. 103 

Let us turn now to an examination of popular opinion 
in Iowa. First, the newspapers may be taken as an index 
of the popular mind. There was but one Republican 
paper, the Iowa State Register, which from the first fa- 
vored any form of a compromise, all the other Repub- 
lican papers opposing it — some more positively than 
others. Later several yielded in a sort of half-way-cove- 
nant fashion, but never to the extent of surrendering any 
of the vital principles of their platform. They invariably 
based their position on the Chicago platform, looking to 
that as their rule of faith and guide in time of doubt ; and 
especially now that secession was threatened and com- 
promise suggested. 

When, by the middle of November, people were becom- 
ing desirous of hearing from the President-elect, and 
rumors as to what Lincoln would do were floating about, 
the people of Iowa generally hooted at the idea that he 
would issue a pre-inaugural manifesto to allay the fears 
of South Carolina; for his views were known, being re- 

162 See Lincoln's letters of December 11, 1860, to William Kellogg; and 
of December 17, 1860, to E. B. Washburne. — Nicolay and Hay's, Abraham 
Lincoln, A History, Vol. Ill, p. 259. See also a letter to Thurlow Weed, 
December 17, 1860. — Weed's Memoirs, Vol. II, p. 310. 

16 s See the Chicago Platform in the First Three Bepublican Conventions? 
pp. 131-133. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 63 

corded in the Douglas debates. And besides, he had a 
platform, the Chicago declarations, upon which he was 
not afraid to stand. This was the view expressed by Mr. 
Mahin. 164 By the opening of December, when there was 
evidence of a movement in the East toward compromise, 
led by August Belmont 105 representing the commercial 
interests, the councils of the Republican party became 
somewhat divided. This divided state of the party, chief- 
ly over the Seward compromise suggestions, Mr. Mahin 
acknowledged, but significantly declared that all persons 
he had talked with were determined not to yield the fun- 
damental points, namely : the status of the territories, the 
slave-trade, and the right of the President-elect to the 
unanimous support of the whole country regardless of 
party. 166 On this point some people had grave misgiv- 
ings; for, if concessions were made to the South on the 
grounds of political defeat, we "would cease to be an 
elective Republic", and the people's will peaceably ex- 
pressed at the ballot-box could no longer be regarded as 
"ultimate authority". 167 This was the view taken by 
editor Howell of the Gate City. 

Mr. Howell likewise stood four-square on the Chicago 
platform. At this same time, when some of the people 
would approve a compromise, he said: "We feel sure 
that the Republicans in Congress will assent to no com- 
promise which will surrender any substantial principle 
or measure contained in the Chicago platform and sanc- 
tioned by the people in the election of Lincoln and Ham- 

164 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 17, 1860. 

165 Belmont 's Letter. — Quoted in Ehodes 's History of the United States, 
Vol. Ill, p. 157. 

166 Muscatine Daily Journal, December 4, 1860. 

167 Keolculc Gate City, January 14, 1861. 



64 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

lin". 1G8 Before this he had said that South Carolina was 
simply playing for an advantageous compromise, 109 and 
held that the North had rights in the Union as well as the 
South, and no compromise should be made which ignored 
these rights. 170 Thus, when the Crittenden proposals 
were offered, he ridiculed the idea, 171 declaring that the 
"Republicans of Iowa hold that Mr. Lincoln has been 
elected President in accordance with the Constitution and 
do not intend, as a condition precedent to his inaugura- 
tion, to concede amendments to the Constitution, extend- 
ing and perpetuating slavery and slave-holding domin- 
ion". 172 

The conclusion that the popular feeling in the State 
was against a compromise is reenforced by expressions 
from men in the ranks, which show a firm determination 
to stand by the principles of the party. For example, 
Mr. Jacob Butler in his speech at the Muscatine Ratifica- 
tion, had counselled all to stand firm upon their ground 
of the opposition to the encroachments of slavery. 173 
And on this point, a subscriber correspondent to the Mus- 
catine Daily Journal said: "Let every Republican stand 
firm. . . . Let us be prudent, but determined and 
never give way one inch to the present encroachments of 
slavery." 174 

This attitude is further supported in the position tak- 
en by the editor of the Ottumwa Courier, who said plainly 

168 Keokuk Gate City, December 7, 1860. 

160 Said Mr. Howell: "One object of the flurry at the South, is without 
doubt, to frighten the North into a compromise on the slavery question." — 
Keokuk Gate City, November 22, 1860. 

i7o Keokuk Gate City, November 23, 1860. 

i7i Keokuk Gate City, December 7, 1860. 

172 Keokuk Gate City, December 8, 1860. 

173 Muscatine Daily Journal, November 17, 1860. 

174 Muscatine Daily Journal, December 31, 1860. 



CIVIL WAE AND BECONSTBUCTION PERIOD 65 

that he did not like the compromise proposals ; to the con- 
trary, ''it would be better to tell South Carolina plainly 
that she cannot secede .... that if she secedes, 
she must take the consequences". Then he significantly 
added : ' * No sensible person can doubt but that the North 
is well nigh unanimous in favor of the Union, and they 
will resist ultimately almost to a man its disruption." 175 
This editor either gave expression to a popular feeling 
or was endeavoring to mould public opinion. In the light 
of the previously quoted utterances, the writer inclines 
toward the former explanation. Later, under the cap- 
tion, "Shall we compromise", the same editor rejected 
the compromise method as the poorest possible rem- 
edy for the existing evils, for the reason that all the 
compromises demand concessions to one section of the 
country. 176 He, however, yielded his position to the ex- 
tent that he favored "compromise and conciliation", but 
opposed ' ' any considerable portion of the people making 
concessions to unreasonable demands of any other por- 
tion", and branded the various proposed measures as not 
being fair and just to all sections. 177 This of course 
means nothing if not straight opposition to the compro- 
mise as a method of staying the secession movement. 

But the Crittenden Compromise was not merely in di- 
rect opposition to the Chicago platform. The Repub- 
licans were alert to the situation and urged that it also 
ran counter to the "principles of popular sovereignty 
maintained by Douglas ". 17s It is at least interesting to 
see thus early the Republican courtship of the Douglas 
Democrats. And again, the compromise proposed was 

175 Ottumwa Courier, December 19, 1860. 

176 Ottumwa Courier, January 16, 1861. 

177 Ottumwa Courier, February 20, 1861. 

178 Keokuk Gate City, January 17, 1861. 



66 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

not only in conflict with the platform, but it would in fact 
subvert the Constitution and reverse the spirit and the 
policy of the fathers — Washington, Madison, Webster, 
and Clay. Its acceptance would continue our discredit- 
able compromise history, and would perpetuate the pol- 
icy of compromising with slavery and virtually fasten it 
upon Mexico and Cuba, all in the name of the Constitu- 
tion of our boasted land of liberty. 179 Then, just before 
the final failure of the compromise in Congress, editor 
Howell gave his parting advice to the Republicans of 
Iowa. Said he: "Republicans, reflect upon this matter 
yourselves, and talk it over with your Democratic neigh- 
bors. Surely the people of our country cannot be so sunk 
in ignorance and so debased in character as to consent to 
amend the Constitution of our fathers in behalf of slav- 
ery extension and perpetuation". 180 

Iowa Democrats generally were inclined towards a 
compromise. They expressed disappointment that the 
"conservative element" in the South, of which they 
boasted and from whom they expected much, should not 
put up a stubborn fight against secession. 181 To their 
minds the South had little cause for "nullification", ex- 
cept that the Republicans had set the example in repudi- 
ating the Fugitive Slave Law; but, as Mr. King, editor 
of the Muscatine Daily Review, said, "two wrongs can- 
not make a right". 182 As typical of the Democratic mi- 
nority Mr. King relieved himself from any responsibility 
by charging the whole agitated condition of the country 
to the corruption in public offices 183 — which of course 

MKeokuJc Gate City, January 17, 1861. 

isoKeoJcuk Gate City, February 21, 1861. 

isi Muscatine Daily Review, November 15, 1860. 

182 Muscatine Daily Review, November 17, 1860. 

183 Muscatine Daily Review, November 13, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 67 

meant Republican offices. The Republicans were held re- 
sponsible for the distracted state of affairs; it was all a 
result of the inevitable logic of the speeches of such men 
as Sumner, Beecher, Emerson, and ' ' other Abolitionists ' ' 
who preached the doctrine of " Disunion Better Than 
Slavery". 184 The prophetic editor of the Iowa State 
Journal saw clearly the end of the Republic, declaring 
that one month of Lincoln's declared policy would array 
the fifteen slave States into a solid phalanx against the 
government. 185 He was greatly humbled at the thought 
that the Old World would point the finger of ridicule at 
the failure of self-government in America. This apostle 
of non-resistance also washed his hands from all blame ; 
he "could but wait and hope, though with a faint 
heart." 186 

Mr. Mahoney, as we should expect, recommended con- 
cessions on the part of the North. This section, he 
thought, should retrace its steps and repeal all obnoxious 
legislation. 187 The National Democratic Club of Dubuque 
passed resolutions on the "state of the country ", 1SS 
which were decidedly Southern in tone. They justified 
the States in the preparations they were making for their 
own safety, and while they lamented that the ' ' idea of the 
dissolution of the Union had become fixed ' ', yet they bade 
the South God-speed in "their rising above party spirit 
to meet the question like men". Mahoney could not swal- 
low this, and took issue with these sentiments. 189 He, 
however, expressed the hope that the Republicans would 

is* Iowa State Journal, August 25, 1860. 

184 Iowa State Journal, December 8, 1860. 

185 Iowa State Journal, December 8, 1860. 
1ST Dubuque Herald, November 21, 1860. 

188 Dubuque Herald, November 28, 1860. 

189 Dubuque Herald, December 6, 1860. 



68 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

establish a constitutional slavery line, dividing slave and 
free territory, for the South, he held, is just as fully 
entitled to the territories as the Republicans. He then 
lays down four propositions, which he calls upon all 
to concede to the South: (1) the regulation of their 
own domestic affairs without interference; (2) the en- 
forcement of the Fugitive Slave Law in the North; (3) 
the Southerners to have the right to take their slaves 
with them anywhere on business; (4) Southern people to 
have the right to emigrate with their slave property. 190 
The Iowa Democracy was distinctly a Douglas democ- 
racy, and therefore this program may be taken as accept- 
able to them. 

It is important to note, further, the attitude of the Re- 
publicans of Iowa as seen in the position taken and the 
part played by her representatives in Congress — all Re- 
publicans. 191 Senator Grimes believed that the secession 
of one or more States was inevitable, but that there would 
be no yielding of party principles. Said he, "Everybody 
seems firmly resolved to adhere to his proposed prin- 
ciples and course of action". 192 If this meant anything, 
it meant that the majority at least were adhering to the 
platform announced, and that a compromise at that time 
seemed very doubtful. This was before the President- 
elect gave expression to his wishes. A little later Mr. 
Grimes, again writing, speaks of "much talk of all sorts 
of compromises, but there is not the slightest possibility 
that anything will be done". 193 

ioo Dubuque Eerald, December 9, 1860. 

101 The writer is cognizant of the fact that this is not always a safe 
criterion. 

192 Letter to Mrs. Grimes, December 5, 1860. — Salter's Life of James 
W. Grimes, p. 131. 

i°3 Letter to Mrs. Grimes, December 16, 1860. — Salter's Life of James 
W. Grimes, p. 132. 



CIVIL TVAE AND EECONSTBUCTION PEBIOD 69 

Iowa was well represented on the two great compro- 
mise committees, Mr. Grimes being on the Committee of 
Thirteen 194 in the Senate, and Mr. Samuel R. Curtis on 
the House Committee of Thirty-three. 195 In each case 
these two men stood out in their respective committees 
and on the floor of Congress, against any compromise. 
Said Mr. Grimes later to a committee of his fellow towns- 
men, upon another occasion, "I have sought to give ex- 
pression by my votes to what I believe to be the opinions 
of the people of the State", 190 which action, however, was 
also based on his own conviction. The statement was in 
reference to all of his votes in the Senate. Mr. Grimes 's 
assertion is supported by his action on the Committee of 
Thirteen, 197 where he uniformly voted against the propo- 
sitions for slavery extension, thus upholding the chief 
tenet of his party. The votes of Mr. Curtis in the House 
reveal the same position. 

There is little doubt but that Mr. Seward was waver- 
ing between December 1st and December 20th, and that 
he might have yielded if, as Mr. Rhodes says, "he had not 
been restrained by the unequivocal declaration of Lin- 
coln". 198 This we may grant, and the fact still remains 
that "unequivocal declarations" had before been made, 
both in the Chicago platform to which Mr. Lincoln point- 
ed as his authority, and by leading men, and also by the 
press of the North-west. This is especially true as to 

is* Congressional Globe, 2nd Session, 36th Congress, p. 158. 

195 Congressional Globe, 2nd Session, 36th Congress, p. 22. 

196 Letter of August 17, 1861, to J. H. Gear and others, in response to an 
invitation to address the citizens of Burlington — his home. — Salter's Life 
of James W. Grimes, p. 148. 

197 See Journal of Committee of Thirteen. 

198 Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, p. 157. 



70 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Iowa. It was an Iowa man 199 that had the largest part in 
writing the Chicago platform which Iowans looked to as 
their guide in faith and their rule of practice. Neverthe- 
less, with reference to Mr. Grimes 's attitude, in the Com- 
mittee of Thirteen, toward the Crittenden proposals, Mr. 
Ehodes goes on to say: "What would have been the 
course of Grimes and Doolittle 200 is not so clear; but if 
the plan had been modified, and if the altered proposi- 
tions had been urged by Lincoln and championed by Sew- 
ard, it is a fair presumption that neither Grimes nor Doo- 
little would have taken the responsibility of defeating 
such a compromise." 201 Local conditions and the utter- 
ances of Grimes all along seem to make such a conclusion 
doubtful, to say the least. 

It is true that in the Committee of Thirteen, Mr. Grimes 
voted for these two propositions: (1) that Congress shall 
pass no law interfering with the domestic institutions of 
any State, and (2) that States should speedily modify 
their laws so as not to conflict with the Constitution or 
any law. This, however, was not a departure from the 
Chicago platform; it was sound Republican doctrine. 
But Mr. Grimes, in a letter to Governor Kirkwood, 202 
credits himself with going further, saying that in the com- 
mittee he had voted to admit Kansas under the Wyan- 

199 Mr. John A. Kasson of Des Moines, member of the Committee on Reso- 
lutions. Horace Greeley said : ' ' That the platform presented is so generally 
satisfactory as it has proved, is eminently due to John A. Kasson, of Iowa, 
whose efforts to reconcile differences and secure the largest liberty of senti- 
ment consistent with fidelity to Republican principles, were most effective 
and untiring." — Neiv York Tribune, May 22, 1860. [Mr. Kasson was a 
member of the sub-committee of five to draft the platform.] 

200 Senator J. R. Doolittle of Wisconsin and a member of the Committee 
of Thirteen. 

201 Rhodes 's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 166, 167. 

202 Grimes to Kirkwood, January 28, 1861. — Salter's Life of James W. 
Grimes, p. 137. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 71 

dotte Constitution, and then to admit the remaining pub- 
lic territory as two States, one north and one south of 
the old Missouri Compromise line of 36° 30'. This ob- 
viously meant that slavery was to be permitted in the 
State on the south of that line. 203 Mr. Grimes, however, 
thought that this ''could have been adopted without any 
surrender of principle by anybody or any section, and 
therefore without any party and personal humiliation". 
There was room here for difference of opinion, but as- 
suming that Grimes was honest in his belief, he then was 
positive in his refusal of any and all compromises, for in 
the same letter, when summing up his chief objections to 
the Crittenden Compromise, he says "there are other 
provisions .... wholly inadmissible, but, let them 
pass. My objection is to any compromise." 204 

This attitude of Iowa Republicans is further shown by 
the indifference toward the Peace Congress, which move- 
ment the Democrats of the State championed. It was an 
Iowa Democrat, Mr. Mahoney, who, soon after the elec- 
tion, probably made the first suggestion for a "National 
Peace Convention" for the purpose of settling all the 
differences between the two sections of the country. 205 
However, when the call finally went out, after it became 
morally certain that the compromise measures in Con- 
gress would fail, and when the secession movement was 
assuming formidable proportions, it went from the legis- 
lature of a slave State — Virginia. 

Many Northern people, Republicans as well as Demo- 
crats, yielded to the idea, some by a mere passive acqui- 
escence, others in the earnest hope that thus the ap- 
proaching crisis might be averted. Iowa was among the 

203 See Ehodes's History of the United States, Vol. Ill, p. 176. 
-Q* Salter's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 134. 
205 Dubuque Herald, November 21, 1860. 



72 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Northern States which appointed delegates to the Wash- 
ington Peace Congress. Governor Kirkwood had been 
importuned, especially by the Democrats, through peti- 
tion and otherwise, to appoint delegates. He finally did 
so, and named the two Senators, Grimes and Harlan, and 
the two Representatives, Curtis and Vandever, to repre- 
sent the State. For these appointments he was criticized 
and roundly scolded by the Democratic press, since, "to 
know the sentiment of Iowa, they should have gone direct 
from Iowa". 206 The Democrats knew what it meant, for 
other States, indifferent to the Peace Congress, also com- 
missioned their Congressional delegations to represent 
them. But so far as Iowa was concerned, the result would 
have been no different, unless the Governor had appoint- 
ed a Democratic delegation. 

The Iowa delegates played the part of on-lookers in the 
deliberations of the Peace Congress, Mr. Grimes taking 
no part at all. 207 In fact the thorough-going Republicans 
constituted a small class in the convention, and its action, 
due to the great divergence of opinion of the three or four 
other factions represented, was almost wholly negative, 
notwithstanding the fact that there was a comparatively 
large group of Northerners composed of Union men who 
were "willing to concede almost anything for compro- 
mise". 208 A compromise plan based upon the Missouri 
line, was submitted by a committee but was decisively de- 
feated by a vote of 8 to ll. 209 Iowa voted in the negative. 
Then later, through juggling in the convention and in 
committee, the plan was again presented and carried 
through by a minority of the States in the convention. 

206 Dubuque Herald, February 1, 1861. 

207 Salter 's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 138. 

208 Nicolay and Hay's, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. Ill, pp. 231, 232. 

209 Mcolay and Hay's, Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. Ill, p. 231. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 73 

Iowa stood firm, we are told, but Illinois changed her 
vote, and New York's vote through a technicality was 
counted out, while Missouri refrained from voting. The 
whole thing was a play of politics. When these ill-begot- 
ten compromise resolutions went to Congress, the House 
refused even to receive them, 210 and the Senate rejected 
them by a vote of 7 to 28. 211 Iowa's representatives, in 
both instances, consistently voted against the idea of a 
compromise. 

It would seem therefore, that in consideration of the 
course pursued by the State's representatives at Wash- 
ington, that by the positive expressions of local leaders 
and the reiterated opposition of the press, and that with 
a general endorsement by the rank and file of the party, 
we have a fair and accurate exposition of the Republican 
will in Iowa. This was practically universal against any 
form of compromise, and that too, without waiting for a 
sign from the President-elect. This conclusion is further 
supported by the fact that the feeling expressed and the 
action taken was based upon the Chicago platform, which 
was definite on the points later involved in the compro- 
mise issues. Thus the Republicans of Iowa were not in 
a frame of mind to compromise ; nor were they disposed 
to the disruption of the Union by peaceful means; they 
must therefore have been in readiness for, or even will- 
ing to assist in, working out the policy of coercion. 

210 Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1331. 

211 Congressional Globe, 36th Congress, 2nd Session, p. 1405. 



Chapter IV 
IOWA'S DEFENCE OF THE UNION 

THE FIRST UNION MOVEMENTS 

We have seen that in November Mr. Mahoney suggest- 
ed a national convention looking toward a settlement of 
the difficulties between the two sections of the country. 
On December 9th he proposed the convening of a dele- 
gate State Convention 212 to take into consideration the 
' ' State of the Union ' \ There had been some talk of con- 
vening the State legislature in extra session for that pur- 
pose, but the editor of the Herald doubted the utility of 
such a move, since the members of the legislature had 
been elected in 1859 while the people were under pervert- 
ing political influences — that is to say, the legislature 
was Republican. A month later Mr. Mahoney made an- 
other appeal for a State convention ''to enable Iowa to 
express her sentiments and will on the state of the 
Union". 213 Letters from prominent Democrats began to 
appear, 214 all urging the same course. Among these let- 
ters was one from Henry Clay Dean, who urged the im- 

212 "It is about time, in our opinion, that the people of Iowa were taking 
into consideration the State of the Union, and deciding whether this State 
prefers to preserve the Union, by conceding to the South its constitutional 
rights, or to dissolve it by refusing to recognize the right of the South. 
. . . . The sense of the people of Iowa could not be taken by calling the 
General Assembly together, for the members were elected while the people 
were under influences which perverted their judgments. A more proper 
means .... would be by a Convention of Delegates to a State Con- 
vention". — Dubuque Herald, December 9, 1860. 

2 is Dubuque Herald, January 8, 1861. 

2i* Dubuque Herald, January 12, 1861. 



CIVIL WAS AND EECONSTBUCTION PEBIOD 75 

portance of a compromise and thought that anything was 
better than disunion; ''even to live under abolition, the 
most terrible of all evils, for a time, is preferable to dis- 
union", 215 said he. Finally, Mr. Mahoney, as a member 
of the Executive Committee of the Democratic party of 
the State, issued a call 210 for a State Convention to as- 
semble at Iowa City not later than February 22nd, "for 
the purpose of taking such action on the state of the 
Union as the crisis, in the judgment of the Convention, 
might seem to require." 

Barring a few ultra pro-slavery sympathizers, both 
factions of the Democracy of the State seemed eager to 
profess their love for the Union, and urged a convention 
as a means of expressing their views on the situation and 
considering steps "to save the Union". But it is clear 
that even the larger Douglas party was beginning to di- 
vide on tins issue. Mr. Mahoney, although a Douglas 
Democrat, was more conciliatory toward the South and 
thus his leadership at this time was not acceptable to the 
rank and file of the party. The less ardently pro-slavery 
element set about to prevent the party from falling into 
the hands of Mahoney and the ultras ; and, wishing to 
save the wreckage of the party and at the same time put 
it on record as a true Union party, they now stepped in 
at the helm. This faction came out on January 12th, one 
day ahead of Mahoney, with a call 217 for a Union Conven- 
tion to be held at Des Moines, on Thursday, January 31st. 
The call was addressed "To the Democrats and Union 
men of Iowa", and was signed by twenty-six prominent 
men, Mr. James A. Williamson of Des Moines heading 

215 Dubuque Herald, January 10, 1861. 
21 <5 Dubuque Herald, January 13, 1861. 
217 Iowa State Journal, January 12, 1861. 



76 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the list. 218 Mr. Williamson was the prime mover, 219 
though he was ably supported by such well-known men as 
Martin Van Buren Bennett, Henry C. Rippey, P. Gad 
Bryan, Chester C. Cole, and Dan 0. Finch, as well as oth- 
ers less conspicuous. 

The purpose, according to the call, was to give "ex- 
pression of their opinions as to what is the just and! 
equitable remedy for the troubles and dissensions that 
are now distracting and severing the Union of the 
States". Of course it was to be strictly a partisan con- 
vention, although the call was shrouded in such terms as 
might also be applied to Republicans, since it included, 
besides Democrats, "patriots", "loyal men" and "lovers 
of the Union". The call, however, did not go to Repub- 
licans ; it was not a non-partisan affair. The only refer- 
ences to the Republican party were such as "the party 
in power" and "Northern fanatics", which together with 
the "Southern fire-eaters" they held responsible for the 
whole trouble. The call, furthermore, closed with an ad- 
monition to "Democrats, Union men and Patriots" to do 
their duty, which was to stand by the country and the 
Constitution, leaving "all evil consequences with the 
party in power, whose duty it is to interpose and save the 
country", whatever that might have meant; and, they 
declared that they would hold that party "responsible 
before God and our Country if they fail to do it". 

The convention met and organized with James E. Wil- 
liamson of Warren County as chairman, and Henry C. 

218 The signers to the call were: J. A. Williamson, P. M. Casady, Thomas 
Cavanah, P. Gad Bryan, H. C. Eippey, M. V. Bennett, James Seevers, Wil- 
liam Tracy, W. W. Webb, B. Eice, Isaac Kuhn, T. A. Walker, Timothy Day, 
C. D. Bevington, C. C. Cole, I. W. Griffith, Isaac Cooper, F. E. West, D. O. 
Finch, T. J. Poteft, C. Beal, I. M. Walker, John McWilliams, B. C. Ben- 
nett, and S. F. Spofford. 

9 

219 See Annals of Iowa (3rd Series) , Vol. VI, p. 162. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 77 

Bippey of Winterset and G. M. Todd, the chairman of 
the Democratic State Central Committee, as Secretaries ; 
while Judge L. D. Barnes was honored with the post of 
Vice President. The chairman appointed a committee on 
resolutions, consisting of P. Gad Bryan and B. L. Steel 
of Warren County, James M. Thrift of Boone, Jairus E. 
Neal of Marion, 0. D. Russell of. Dallas, J. Cilder of 
Wright and three Polk County representatives — James 
A. Williamson, Dan 0. Finch and Phineas M. Cassady. 

The resolutions adopted can not be said to have been 
the last will and testament of departed leaders, although 
they were the product of absent ones. The convention 
seems to have been animated by the spirit of Henry Clay 
Dean, the eloquent preacher-politician of the recent cam- 
paign, and Judge J. M. Love, recently State Senator and 
now United States Judge for the Southern District of 
Iowa. Neither was present. A letter from Dean was 
read before the convention and it was voted to have one 
thousand copies printed for the use of the delegates. The 
letter was replete with sentiments of love for the Union, 
similar to those contained in the call and such as were 
embodied in the resolutions adopted. Judge Love's let- 
ter, written from his home at Keokuk, January 26th, to 
C. C. Cole, was also read to the convention. The judge 
expressed regret that he could not be present, but gave 
his views on the vital questions before both the country 
and the convention. The burden of the letter was oppo- 
sition to coercion, on the grounds that that itself was dis- 
union, and if such a course were persisted in it would 
plunge the Nation into civil war. 220 This to Judge Love 
was all wrong; he would first exhaust every peaceful 
means. But here he stopped — just where the Union 

220 Mr. Howell in the Keokuk Gate City, February 9, 1861, calls this let- 
ter "a little covert treason-forgiving missile". 



78 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Democrats at this time all stopped. They would assume 
no responsibility after the ' * peaceful means ' ' should have 
been exhausted. One would think that the Democrats 
were a waxing remnant of the late Constitutional Union 
party. The resolutions as finally adopted came into the 
convention through a committee of gentlemen from Keo- 
kuk and were read to the convention on behalf of the 
Committee on Resolutions by Mr. Finch. They were 
unanimously adopted, and the convention voted to have 
them published with the proceedings, 221 "in the Demo- 
cratic and Union papers of the State". 

The preamble to the resolutions sets forth the causes 
culminating in the secession crisis and lays down the 
basic principle according to which the problem must be 
solved. The cause is found to be the bitter enmity and 
discord anent the sectional agitation over the institution 
of slavery, all of which was aggravated by the election of 
a sectional president. This is clear enough as a general 
statement; but the next, the governing principle upon 
which they base the ten resolves of the series, is charac- 
teristically vague and indefinite. It is but a negative or 
passive Constitutional Union party committal and reads : 
"Recognizing in the existing state of public affairs, a 
necessity which imperatively demands at the hands of 
every loyal citizen, the free, frank and unqualified decla- 
ration of his position, and the renewed assurance of his 
attachment for, and devotion to an imperiled Union," 
therefore, they would state their attitude. 

They first record their cherished love for the Union 
and deprecate all attempts at its disruption. As to se- 
cession, they deny such a right, but practically excuse it 
by declaring their opposition equally "to nullifica- 
tion at the North ' '. Taking up the question of the use of 

221 Iowa State Journal, February 1, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 79 

force, they admonish the Federal government to stay its 
hand until the people themselves ' ' can take such action as 
our troubles demand". They concede the government's 
right to protect public property, but not within the juris- 
diction of a State unless upon invitation of its civil au- 
thorities. They refer to the question of the Fugitive 
Slave Law and call upon the Northern States to repeal 
their personal liberty laws, at the same time rejoicing 
that no such a law has ever passed in Iowa. The Repub- 
lican party comes in for a sharp rebuke in that it mani- 
fests a greater love for party unity than for an harmo- 
nious union of the States. They furthermore brand the 
party cry "no compromise, no concession" as the "in- 
exorable logic of a fatal political consistency". Natur- 
ally their main thesis is compromise. They will accept 
any compromise that has been or that may be proposed. 
It is the only hope, and they ask that the question be sub- 
mitted to the people for a vote. They declare that con- 
cession and compromise alone can save the country, and 
that they "as good loyal citizens .... will abide 
by and carry out in good faith such just measures of con- 
ciliation as may be adopted, looking to the preservation 
of the Union, and the perpetuation of its countless bless- 
ings". Such was the jargon of threats, criticism, consti- 
tutional hysteria, and meaningless political vagaries put 
out by this Union State Convention. It satisfied neither 
the most conservative nor the most progressive element 
of the Democratic party and gave nourishment to further 
divisions within the party. 

This state of affairs is further exemplified by the many 
local Union meetings held in the principal towns of the 
State. Probably the most active Union center in the 
State was Keokuk. As alluded to above, the resolutions 
passed by the State Union meeting came from Keokuk, 



80 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

where a week before they had been adopted at a Union 
meeting. At this meeting 222 Judge Love was the chief 
spokesman, and he made a strong, sane speech against 
fratricidal war ; but he was extremely conciliatory to the 
Border States in order to hold them in the Union, taking 
it for granted that the States farther South were already 
out of the Union. The Democrats generally by this time 
had come to look upon secession as an accomplished fact, 
and had their policy been carried out, there is little doubt 
but that such would have been the case. There were also 
some Republicans at this meeting and one of them, Gen- 
eral Bridgeman, offered a resolution which, although it 
might in general be taken as faithful to Republican doc- 
trine and no doubt was so meant, nevertheless was really 
quite as vague as the expressions of " Union" Democrats. 
The resolution read: "Resolved that our Senators and 
Representatives in Congress be, and are hereby urged, 
with all the earnestness demanded by the exigencies of 
the occasion, to go to the utmost limit required by patriot- 
ism, or allowed by principle, in meeting and agreeing with 
all who are, in good faith and integrity of purpose, striv- 
ing to preserve the Union of the States." 

It must be conceded that considerable latitude is per- 
mitted in the phrase "utmost limit required by patriot- 
ism, or allowed by principle ' '. The same tenor is seen in 
a resolution offered by General Bridgeman at a meeting 
one week before, when he asked that the Senators and 
Representatives in Congress be urged to use all peaceable 
means for pacification without conceding principles. 22Z 

Meetings were held in the river town from mid-January 
all through February, and even in March after the com- 
promise measures had failed. Nevertheless, compromise 

222 KeoJcuJc Gate City, January 25, 1861. 

223 Eeolcuk Gate City, January 24, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 81 

was the burden of all these meetings held under Demo- 
cratic auspices. Some of the meetings, however, had in 
good faith been called non-partisan mass-meetings, a 
thing very soon demonstrated to be utterly impossible, 
since a consideration of "the state of the Union" must 
needs bring out at once the fundamental difference be- 
tween the two parties. The result was that one or the 
other element would dominate, or at least attempt to con- 
trol the meetings. In fact that is what happened at the 
first Union meeting in Keokuk, 224 when the Democrats 
gaining control passed resolutions which the Republicans 
present could not endorse. Real Union meetings at this 
stage of the crisis were out of the question. Not only that, 
but it soon became evident that the Democrats themselves 
were further dividing. At a meeting as late as March 
25th the Democracy of Keokuk split into two factions, 
conservatives and coercionists. 223 The former was led by 
Thomas W. Claggett and Daniel F. Miller, and the latter 
by W. W. Belknap and H. W. Sample. Mr. Miller had 
earlier opposed both compromise and coercion, 226 while 
Mr. Belknap formerly advocated compromise. It was 
evident that in the approaching crisis the party must 
break asunder. 

Meanwhile both Democrats and Republicans challenged 
each other in their loyalty to the Union. Humbler advo- 
cates on either side sought the press, and newspapers con- 
tinued to fill space with lengthy articles from correspond- 
ents, signed "Union". Only the contents of the letters 
would reveal the fact that one was "Union" 227 by com- 

224 Keokuk Gate City, January 22, 1861. 

225 Keokuk Gate City, March 26, 1861. 

226 Keokuk Gate City, January 29, 1861. 

227 Keokuk Gate City, January 30, 1861. 



82 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

promise and another was "Union" 228 by coercion. The 
Democrats were accused of disloyalty to the Union, 22 * 
while the Republicans were accused of advocating a 
policy tending toward disunion. 230 Some of the ablest 
men of the time also took this means of keeping the 
issues straight before the public, Senator Grimes, with 
his broad firm grasp of the situation, being especially 
effective in campaigning by letter. 231 

Republican leaders generally saw little good in dealing 
with the question by holding meetings and passing reso- 
lutions. And though they shared in the love and concern 
felt for the country, they were willing to bide the time 
till their party should come into power. What the pol- 
icy of the Republican administration would be was, 
before the close of the Buchanan regime, not at all 
uncertain. Several local "Union" meetings, however, 
were held by the Republicans. One such meeting of 
considerable importance was held in Des Moines a week 
before the great Union State Convention. It was an 
impromptu meeting, no formal call having been made. 
At this meeting resolutions were drawn up and signed 
by Governor Kirkwood, the other State officers, sev- 
eral newspaper men, leading politicians and members 
of the General Assembly then in session. 232 The resolu- 

228 Keokuk Gate City, February 14, 1861. 

229 Keokuk Gate City, February 8, 1861. 

230 < ' No party which cannot hold the Union together one and inseparable 
should have the confidence of the people ' '. — Dubuque Herald, January 13, 
1861. 

231 A letter from Mr. Grimes on the state of the Union appeared at this 
critical time in the Keokuk Gate City, February 4, 1861. 

232 The resolutions were signed by Samuel Kirkwood, Amos B. Miller, F. 
M. Mills, W. P. Davis, S. H. Lunt, H. G. Stewart, C. Haden, Elijah Sells, 
Lewis Kinsey, John A. Kasson, Stewart Goodrell, J. B. Stewart, P. Melendy, 
George Sprague, J. W. Cattell, George G. Wright, N. W. Mills, Thomas 
Mitchell, J. B. Grinnell, M. L. Morris, L. H. Cutler, J. W. Jones, Thomas 
F. Withrow, John Teesdale, S. C. Brownell, F. W. Palmer, T. H. Shepard. 



CIVIL WAE AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 83 

tions express belief in the permanency of the government 
nnder the Constitution and deny even an implied right of 
secession. The framers declare an "undiminished faith 
in the ability, patriotism, integrity and impartiality of 
Hon. Abraham Lincoln and believe that under his admin- 
istration all rights will be respected and enforced". 
They, however, favor the repeal of all laws conflicting 
with the Constitution, or the rights of persons or prop- 
erty. These resolutions are typical and orthodox. Iowa 
Republicans were ready to join in the inauguration of 
their policies. They were ready to support the Adminis- 
tration about to be installed at Washington. 

THE POLICY OF COERCION INAUGURATED 

While the people in Iowa, as in other States, were thus 
discussing the pros and cons of the situation, the crisis 
was approaching. As the election of Lincoln caused the 
first step to be taken, and the failure of the compromise 
measures the second, the third step toward the crisis was 
the inauguration of Lincoln and the policy of coercion. 
It seemed that prior to the inauguration the incoming 
Republican administration and the outgoing Buchanan 
regime were identical in one particular, namely, each was 
waiting for the 4th of March — the former because it had 
no authority ; the latter because it had no policy. All the 
while during the period of hesitation the President-elect 
was formulating his policy and making up his cabinet. 
The politicians in the different States gave assistance in 
both, to the extent of Mr. Lincoln's encouragement. Who 
should compose the cabinet and what Federal plums 
might be gathered were queries in the minds of many. 233 
But what was Iowa's attitude in this matter? 

233 Iowa politicians at Lincoln's inauguration. — See Mr. Charles Aldrich's 
reminiscences in the Annals of Iowa, Vol. VIII, p. 48. 



y4 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

It would seem that, since the State had shown such un- 
precedented loyalty, Iowa should be considered in cabinet- 
making as well as in the formulating of a policy. On the 
other hand, however, it would be good politics since the 
State was safe and would be loyal without special fa- 
vors, to pass Iowa by. The people generally took a broad 
view of the matter and argued that it was Mr. Lincoln's 
right and privilege to make his own cabinet. 234 Iowa had 
some able men, men fit for any cabinet, who would have 
accepted the honor. If the Republicans of the State had 
no candidate and were not expecting an appointment, it 
is nevertheless true that they were interested in one cab- 
inet position, the Postmaster-generalship, and had at 
least one man, Col. Fitz Henry Warren, whom some men- 
tioned for the place. Editor Charles Aldrich regarded 
Mr. Warren as well fitted for ' ' the position uppermost in 
the minds of Iowa Republicans" and named him for the 
place in case Iowa was to be honored, for ''Warren as a 
soldier in the Republican ranks can hardly be over- 
looked". 235 The Davenport Gazette had before this time 
proposed that the Republicans vote on the man whom 
they desired for Postmaster General. 236 Mr. Warren's 
name had been mentioned before the election returns were 
in, but the Ottumwa Courier frowned upon the cabinet 
speculations going the rounds and informed its readers 
that it had advices to the effect that Lincoln had not yet 
decided who his advisers should be. 237 Later, however, 
the Courier published a list of cabinet possibilities, in- 
cluding the name of Fitz Henry Warren among those for 

234 Mr. Mahin in the Muscatine Journal, December 4, 1860. 

235 Hamilton Freeman, November 17, 1860. 

236 Quoted by the Muscatine Journal, November 12, 1860. 

237 Ottumwa Courier, November 22, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 85 

Postmaster General. 238 Early in January a delegation 
of representative men made a trip to Springfield, Illinois, 
to wait npon the President-elect in behalf of Mr. War- 
ren, 239 but nothing came of it. 

But while Iowa Republicans were not to be represented 
among the cabinet "advisers", they were called to fill 
other important places. John A. Kasson was soon to be 
appointed First Assistant Postmaster General; the Sec- 
retary of State, Mr. Sells, was also the recipient of a Fed- 
eral plum; and later on an obscure lawyer at Keokuk, 
Samuel F. Miller, was appointed by Lincoln to a seat on 
the Supreme Bench. These were but a few of the many 
Federal appointments that Lincoln bestowed upon Iowa 
men. In the meantime Sumter had been fired upon and 
Iowa was given a chance to aid in working out the policy 
of coercion. Iowans, not only Republicans, but men of all 
political faiths, were now called into service. 

The coercion idea did not appear suddenly as a fully 
developed policy by which to deal with secession. Al- 
though the use of force was mentioned early in the crisis, 
yet probably most people thought nothing else than that 
South Carolina would be allowed to go. Republican lead- 
ers, however, differed, and when South Carolina called 
her Secession Convention and threatened the calling out 
of troops, we find all sorts of opinions expressed. Mr. 
Howell seemed to think that no one would disturb the se- 
ceding State and all that he asked was that her Federal 
officers should immediately resign. 240 Yet even in his ap- 
parently indifferent position, one can see coercion written 

238 Ottumwa Courier, January 16, 1861. "While for P. M. General, 
Gideon Welles of Conn., Charles Francis Adams of Mass., and Fitz Henry 
Warren of Iowa are mentioned. ' ' 

239 Dubuque Herald, January 17, 1861. 

240 Said Mr. Howell: "She [S. C] talks as if she was to be forced to 
stay in the Union. Nobody is going to disturb her. Let her Federal officers 



86 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

between the lines. To many, South Carolina's course 
looked foolish on account of her small population. 241 
Moreover her finances, it was held, would preclude her 
making war, since her revenue was but half as large as 
her ordinary expenses; and this fact, coupled with the 
handicap of so large a black population, would leave her 
in no position for defending herself against attack. 242 
Thus the question of using force was settled in terms of 
South Carolina's inability to resist. 

But as the threat of secession began to assume more 
determined aspects, we find the positive use of force ad- 
vocated. The editors, J. W. and G. P. Norris, of the Ot- 
tumwa Courier thought that when the people once real- 
ized the real danger, they would meet it firmly and not 
permit South Carolina to leave the Union. 243 This, of 
course, meant nothing short of coercion. In January Mr. 
Aldrich of the Hamilton Freeman finally came to the 
conclusion that "the arbitrament of the sword can alone 
test the question of the strength of the Constitution". 244 
Probably the first active preparation for war was made 
at Keokuk where as early as November 21st a meeting 
was called to form an "independent rifle club". 245 Then 
when Major Anderson made his Successful removal to 
Fort Sumter all Iowa rejoiced and participated in the 
general movement to organize volunteer companies. 

put their resignations into the hands of the general Government. There will 
be forty applications for every place." — Keokuk Gate City, November 16, 
1860. 

241 Keokuk Gate City, November 19, 1860. 

242 Keokuk Gate City, December 12, 1860. 

2*3 Said the editors : ' ' The American people debate long before employing 
force against S. C, but they will not permit her to leave the Union. ' ' — Ot- 
tumwa Courier, December 6, 1860. 

244 Hamilton Freeman, January 19, 1861. 

245 Keokuk Gate City, November 21, 1860. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 87 

"We regard the movement", said Mr. Howell, "as in the 
right direction, decidedly." 246 Two weeks later the City 
Guards of Ottumwa were among those that declared 
themselves ready to battle for the support of the Govern- 
ment and the upholding and enforcement of the laws. 247 
"Jeff" Davis's alleged threat to "treat the North to 
Southern powder and steel" amused the people and 
brought forth sarcastic rejoinders, 24S but, as the signs be- 
came earnest, the slogan ' ' In Peace Prepare for War ' ' 249 
was popularly discussed. The Eepublicans were by this 
time practically a unit on the policy of coercion even be- 
fore the Ft. Sumter attack. 

Democrats also hinted at the use of force. As far back 
as December the State Press advocated giving the Presi- 
dent "doubtful powers" as a last effort to save the coun- 
try from disunion, and the employing of force if neces- 
sary. 250 But (as if anticipating the famous July Reso- 
lutions of Congress) the Democrats who acceded to the 
use of force as a last resort, pointed out that the war 
should be a war for the preservation of the Union, only. 
In January Mr. Babbitt of the Council Bluffs Bugle 
thought that South Carolina should be allowed to go in 
peace, but should she attempt to seize public property in 
so doing, then, said he, ' ' meet her with force, and defend 
and hold it". 251 The testing time for Democrats, how- 
ever, was yet to come. D. A. Mahoney saw in Lincoln's 
policy a recognition of the theory of the "Irrepressible 
Conflict" between the labor systems of the North and the 

246 Keokuk Gate City, January 3, 1861. 

247 Ottumwa Courier, January 16, 1861. 
2« Keokuk Gate City, February 22, 1861. 

249 Ottumwa Courier, March 27, 1861. 

250 state Press, December 13, 1860. 

25i Quoted by the Keokuk Gate City, January 17, 1861. 



88 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

South, and Democrats generally still held with him that 
the coercion policy tended toward a permanent disrup- 
tion of the Union. 252 Then when Sumter was attacked 
demands appeared for calling anti-civil-war meetings, 253 
and Mahoney declared it "the solemn moment when the 
American mind should reflect thoughtfully, and when the 
American people should act prudently, wisely, patriot- 
ically". This was all good and true, and was the course 
pursued by the Administration at Washington; but in 
the mind of the editor of the Herald it meant a passive 
course, puerile and powerless. This passivity is further 
illustrated when the same editor said : ' ' The precipitation 
of the country into civil war brings upon us all, the sol- 
emn duty of rallying our physical energies and mental 
powers in the sacred cause of our country." 254 

Fort Sumter was the tocsin which inaugurated the co- 
ercion policy. Lincoln's call for troops was sent out on 
April 15th, requisitions upon the States being made first 
by telegraph, followed later by the formal call. Iowa was 
asked to raise one regiment. Two days later Governor 
Kirkwood issued his now famous proclamation 255 for 
troops. They were to be in rendezvous at Keokuk by May 
20th. The response was as overwhelming as the call had 
been sudden, and tenders were made far in excess of the 
requisition. Three times this number were ready, we are 
told, and "would have liked the chance to go". 256 

All Iowa became a bristling camp. No longer could the 
passive Unionists control the situation; mild resolutions 

252 Dubuque Herald, March 23, 1861. 

253 Dubuque Herald, April 13, 1861. 

254 Dubuque Herald, April 13, 1861. 

255 Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, p. 469. 

256 Ottumwa Courier, April 16, 1861. 



CIVIL WAB AND EECONSTEUCTION PEEIOD 89 

and compromise meetings gave place to war meetings 
and military drills, all regardless of party. The meeting 
at Ottumwa on April 23rd is illustrative of what was go- 
ing on. The editors of the Courier declared that " since 
we see men of all parties in sublime indifference to the 
past, in view of the dangers of the present, forgetting old 
antagonisms, and ranging themselves shoulder to shoul- 
der under the 'Old Flag' .... we can no longer 
despair of the Republic". 257 The editors further ex- 
pressed pride in what both the Democrats and the Re- 
publicans of the "city" (Ottumwa) and county had done, 
especially in ignoring political differences and swearing 
renewed fealty to the Union. This is illustrative of the 
non-partisan character of these war meetings all over the 
State. Towns and county boards were raising com- 
panies, equipping them and offering them to the State; 
and there are also instances of individuals doing the 
same. 258 Leading capitalists and banks came to the res- 
cue by advancing funds and trusting the State to reim- 
burse them. Among these were Hiram Price, the Presi- 
dent of the new State Bank of Iowa, J. K. Graves, Ezekiel 
Clark, and William T. Smith. 259 During the period from 
August 12th to November 12th this group of men main- 
tained a rendezvous at Davenport, and several times kept 
military supplies from being held for express charges 200 
by the companies. 

Governor Kirkwood, on his own authority, finally went 

257 Ottumwa Courier, April 24, 1861. 

258 Grenville M. Dodge organized a company at Council Bluffs which 
claims the distinction of being the first to offer its services to Governor 
Kirkwood. — Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. V, p. 243. 

259 These men alone advanced $33,000 on the first regiments, Mr. Price 
shouldering two-thirds of the amount. 

260 See Mr. Price's article in the Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. I, 
pp. 10, 11. 



90 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

so far as to permit the tentative formation of a second 
regiment, partly, no doubt, to show his appreciation of 
the generous responses, but also to be in readiness for a 
call for a second regiment of which he had some inkling 
and which he was expecting any moment. 261 The men for 
this regiment were to come from those counties where 
they were already being raised. Ere long the organiza- 
tion of a third regiment was begun, and before the time 
for the rendezvous there were a sufficient number of en- 
listments to make up five additional regiments, which the 
Governor was implored also to receive. So enthusiastic 
were the enlisted men and the local leaders in aiding their 
equipment, that the first regiment was ready for the ren- 
dezvous fully twelve days before the time set by the proc- 
lamation. 

Now there were two grave difficulties in the way of the 
raising of troops by the Executive: (1) there was no 
money at the Governor's disposal; and (2) the State had 
no efficient military law. There was in fact a third ob- 
stacle, which though small, was nevertheless irritating. 
It was the opposition of a factious political minority. 
The legislature, of course, was the only power with legal 
authority to act ; but the Governor could not wait for ac- 
tion by the legislature, and on the grounds of an emer- 
gency took the necessary extra-legal steps. In this, as we 
have seen, he was not only upheld but implored to act. 
There were, however, rumblings of discontent, and the 
Governor's course was criticized by the Mahoney wing of 
the Douglas party and by the remnant of the "Old 
Guard ' '. 

26 i Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, p. 257. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 91 

THE EXTRA SESSION" OF THE LEGISLATURE 

From the first it was Governor Kirkwood's purpose to 
have his acts legalized, and to that end he called an extra 
session of the General Assembly to convene on May 15th. 
But no sooner had the call gone forth than the Governor 
was criticized for issuing it. The opposition charged ex- 
travagance and declared that the legislature was called 
to aid in the Federal coercion of free and independent 
States. This was the first challenge to the Administra- 
tion after official action had been taken. Governor Kirk- 
wood, therefore, in his message to the legislature, was 
very specific in stating the purpose of calling the extra 
session. The purpose was, besides legalizing what had 
already been done, to render further aid to the Federal 
government and to provide for local defence on the south- 
ern and western borders of the State, already threatened. 
He consequently recommended measures to meet these 
needs. 262 He argued that there should be more regiments 
mustered, or a system of minute-men organized to pro- 
tect the State from invasion. Iowa needed an efficient 
military law, providing a staff and uniform practice in 
mustering and organizing troops; means were also re- 
quired to meet the extraordinary expenses, which should 
be borne by the whole State. To this end the Governor 
urged a more stringent revenue law and implored the 
people to pay taxes cheerfully and honestly. The mes- 
sage closed with a ringing appeal to the loyalty of the 
people, telling them to face the situation squarely and 
cautioning them against being counselled and directed by 
passion and excitement. 

The Governor was not disappointed in the General As- 

262 Skambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, pp. 259-261. 



92 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

senibly, for, in a session lasting just thirteen days, they 
enacted all legislation necessary to put the State upon a 
war footing. The action was quite unanimous on the 
main features of the war policy, though party lines were 
quite sharply drawn in considering the various details of 
the bills. It was quite evident, too, that new lines of 
cleavage were forming — the war party against the peace 
party. This condition was inevitable, and it was just as 
certain that all the Republicans, together with some of 
the Democrats, should constitute the former, while the 
latter should be composed entirely of Democrats. It was 
not that Republicans did not desire peace, but the line of 
division was on the method of securing what each side 
professed to have at heart — the saving of the Union. 
It seems evident that, just as certainly as the policy of 
coercion eventually succeeded, so the peace policy would 
at that time have failed, resulting in permanent disunion. 

The peace party was small, a mere faction in the legis- 
lature, since the major part of the Democrats worked 
with the Republicans for the Administration measures. 
Moreover, the Republicans could have carried all or most 
of their measures without the support of the Democrats. 
The House stood fifty Republicans to thirty-six Demo- 
crats ; the Senate had twenty-three Republicans to twenty 
Democrats. The Republicans were quick to recognize the 
new alignment, and they were generous enough to share 
privilege and position with their new allies the "War 
Democrats". To be sure, in all this, "good politics" 
played its part. 

A united and harmonious session was essential and it 
was partly secured at the opening of the session in the 
organization of the houses. The presiding officers and 
clerks were Republicans, but in the minor offices and on 
committees the Democrats were represented to such an 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 93 

extent that at the time the action was spoken of as being 
entirely non-partisan. In the House the two most im- 
portant committees, those of Ways and Means, and Mili- 
tary Affairs, were headed by Henry C. Caldwell and Na- 
thaniel B. Baker, respectively. The latter committee at 
this time had especially heavy responsibilities, and was 
composed of three Democrats and fonr Republicans. 263 
Mr. Baker was not only the most popular Democrat in the 
House, but was probably the most powerful and influen- 
tial member of the body, and soon became recognized as 
the "wheel-horse" of the legislature. The Senate Mili- 
tary Committee was enlarged by adding two from each 
party, and when the Senate went into Committee of the 
Whole on the Military Bill, a Democrat, David S. Wilson, 
of Dubuque, was made the chairman. At an important 
conference on the same bill, the conferees from both 
houses were Democrats, 204 while a special committee 265 in 
the Senate was composed of three Democrats and two Re- 
publicans. Many other instances might be cited to show 
the recognition which the Democrats received. Of course 
it should be borne in mind that the Democrats in the Sen- 
ate were almost equal in number to the Republicans. 

There was less unanimity however than the Repub- 
lican press proclaimed, and in several bills and resolu- 
tions the traditional differences and animosities between 
the two parties cropped out. In the Senate, especially, 
there was a coterie of filibustering Democrats who in the 
debates, by amendments and by voting, threw consider- 

263 Committee on Military Affairs: N. B. Baker (Dem.) Chairman, 
Stewart Goodsell (Rep.), Patrick Robb (Dem.), Leander C. Noble (Rep.), 
Racine Kellogg (Dem.), George C. Shipman (Rep.), and Reuben A. Moser 
(Rep.). 

2G4 Mr. Baker for the House and Mr. Cyrus Bussey for the Senate. 

265 Committee on Special Memorial to Congress : Johnson, Angle, Bussey 
(Dem.), Rankin, and Davis (Rep.). 



94 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

able obstruction in the way of the Republican war pro- 
gram. 206 In some instances they mustered sufficient 
strength to tie or even to defeat a measure. Some of 
these maneuvers were of sufficient importance to require 
further notice. 

The first important act of the legislature after the 
Governor's message had been received, was the adoption 
of a resolution which was nothing else than the pledging 
of the State to carry out his policy of coercion. The reso- 
lution 207 was offered in the House on May 16th and passed 
without a dissenting vote. 20S It went to the Senate the 
next day and after a slight amendment, 209 passed, though 
the Senate Journal does not indicate what the vote was. 270 
Both houses now set to work to carry out the resolution 
in acts preparing for defense and amending the military 
laws of the State. In the Senate a bill was introduced, 

266 This group of Democrats was composed of Gideon S. Bailey, John A. 
Johnson, Nathan Udell, Jairus E. Neal, H. H. Williams, Joseph Mann, Har- 
vey W. English, Valentine Buechel, and William E. Taylor. 

267 ' ' Whereas, the President of the United States has appealed to all loyal 
citizens to favor, facilitate and aid the effort to maintain the honor, the 
integrity and the existence of the National Union, suppress treason and re- 
bellion against the general government, 

"Therefore, be it resolved by the House of Bepresentatives (The Senate 
concurring therein) that the faith, credit and resources of the State of Iowa, 
both in men and money, are hereby irrevocably pledged to any amount and 
to every extent which the Government may constitutionally demand to sup- 
press treason, subdue rebellion, enforce the laws, protect the lives and prop- 
erty of loyal citizens, and maintain inviolate the Constitution and Sover- 
eignty of the nation. 

"Resolved, that the Governor and Secretary of State be and they are 
hereby authorized to forward a certified copy of these Resolutions to the 
President of the United States. ' ' 

268 Souse Journal, 1861, p. 15. 

269 Mr. Bailey moved to amend by inserting the word constitutionally 
before the word ' ' demand ' ' in the second paragraph. The amendment was 
adopted. See above note 267. 

270 Senate Journal, 1861, p. 18. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 95 

authorizing the Governor to purchase arms, clothing, and 
necessary supplies, and providing means to pay for 
them. At once the reactionary, John A. Johnson, inter- 
posed with an amendment providing that the equipment 
should be used for no other purpose than to repel an ac- 
tual invasion of the State or to suppress insurrection. 
The amendment was decisively defeated, 271 and Mr. Neal 
tried his hand on the same point, wording it differently. 
Before a vote was taken, Mr. Palmer (Democrat) tried to 
amend NeaPs amendment by the following: "Or suppress 
rebellion in this or any other State of the United States 
under any order constitutionally made by the President 
of the United States." Both of these amendments were 
overwhelmingly defeated and Mr. Neal tried another 
tack. He wanted vouchers accompanying all expense 
bills for army provisions, the same to be authenticated 
by the person furnishing such property. This proposi- 
tion was also defeated, though by a reduced majority, 
the vote being fourteen for and twenty-six against. The 
affirmative voters were all Democrats, including Mr. 
Cyrus Bussey, who was foremost in the military prepara- 
tions. Again, others made attacks on the same bill. 
John F. Duncombe would amend by limiting the entire 
expenditure to $250,000. This was defeated by a vote of 
sixteen to twenty- two, 272 with two Democrats refusing to 
vote, while two others voted with the majority. 

In the House a bill entitled "An Act to amend the 
Militia Laws of the State of Iowa" was introduced 273 and 
adopted by a vote of eighty without a dissenting voice. 274 

271 Senate Journal, 1861, p. 25. The vote was thirty-two to six. Mr. 
Udell, one of the ultras, refrained from voting. 

272 Senate Journal, 1861, p. 26. 

27 3 House Journal, 1861, p. 24. 

274 House Journal, 1861, p. 81. 



96 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

There were six Representatives absent or not voting, and 
among them but one Democrat. Just before the final 
vote, however, Mr. T. W. Claggett tried to amend the bill 
so as to reduce the Governor's power somewhat, and was 
supported in this effort by eight Democrats and two Re- 
publicans. The House was relatively more aggressive 
than the Senate. There was, however, a group of con- 
servative Democrats, among the most conspicuous being, 
Thomas W. Claggett, Martin V. B. Bennett, Hartley 
Bracewell, E. S. McCullough of Lee County, Benjamin 
McCullough of Jackson County, Cornelius Beal, Charles 
Faulk, and Francis A. Gniffke. 

When the House Militia Bill came into the Senate it 
was attacked by L. L. Ainsworth, Nathan Udell, H. C. 
Angle, and W. E. Taylor. They attempted to postpone 
the time when it should go into effect, to limit the num- 
ber of regiments to be raised, to reduce the salaries stip- 
ulated, and to negative the provision for covering the 
cost at State expense. On some of these propositions the 
conservative Democrats won over as much as two-thirds 
of their full party strength. But the Senate had some 
staunch "War Democrats", such as Bussey, Pusey, Cool- 
baugh, Gray, Green, Patterson, Wilson, and Trumbull, 
who invariably voted with the Republicans on the points 
at issue. 

The party spirit in the Senate is amusingly shown in 
the wrangle over the provision for regimental chaplains. 
When it was proposed to fix the salary for chaplain at 
the exorbitant sum of $30 a month, 275 Gideon Bailey 
would accept it on condition "that no political preacher 
be appointed chaplain", an amendment which lacked but 
two votes of passing. The original motion, however, was 
also defeated. Later, Mr. Bussey sought to make pro- 

275 Senate Journal, 1861, p. 36. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 97 

vision for a chaplain by an amendment to the section for 
regimental musicians, which Mr. Udell again would 
amend by adding a form of prayer, 270 to be imposed upon 
the chaplain. Eleven Democrats actually voted for the 
prayer amendment. It was finally provided that chap- 
lains should be chosen by the companies composing the 
regiment. 

The House Militia Bill after several slight amendments 
was adopted in the Senate by a vote of thirty to eight. 
The House, however, did not concur in the Senate amend- 
ments and the bill was sent into conference. It was then 
agreed upon by both houses, but in the Senate by a re- 
duced majority, there being twelve Democrats who finally 
refused to vote for it. 

Party spirit also appeared in the question of supply- 
ing the Senators with newspapers, the Democrats gen- 
erally wishing a large supply — all the way from five to 
thirty papers for each member. On Mr. Johnson's mo- 
tion making the number twenty, Senator A. F. Brown 
(Republican) amended by requiring that the papers be 
of approved loyalty, 277 whereupon Johnson amended by 
leaving the individual Senators to be the judges of their 
own papers. 27 s Both of these amendments were prompt- 

276 Mr. Udell's amendment read as follows: "Provided said clergyman 
shall incorporate into each prayer 'Prepare and turn O God, the hearts of 
the rulers and leaders on both sides of this unnatural strife to adopt some 
measures by honorable compromise or otherwise, to bring this warfare to an 
early close without bloodshed' ". — Senate Journal, 1861, p. 37. 

2 77 Mr. Brown's amendment read as follows: "That no paper shall be 
subscribed for or obtained at the public expense under this resolution, except 
such as are fully committed to the maintenance of the honor and integrity 
of the Government and the preservation of the Union. ' ' — Senate Journal, 
1861, p. 16. 

278 Johnson's amendment read as follows: "That each Senator be allowed 
to judge for himself of the loyalty of the paper he may desire to take." — 
Senate Journal, 1861, p. 16. 



98 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

ly voted down, and the Senate finally decided to supply 
each member with one paper, and the choice was to be 
confined to one of the Des Moines papers. 

A quite significant feature of the work of this session 
was the action taken on the National issues in the form 
of resolutions. Petitions from several sections of the 
State were presented in both the House 279 and the Sen- 
ate, 280 asking for military aid; but none appeared on 
either side of the great central question of the national 
crisis. In other words, these petitions were military, not 
political ; they were moreover mainly petitions by Demo- 
crats and offered by Democrats in the legislature. 

The very first resolution offered in the Senate was a 
memorial by John A. Johnson, appealing to Congress to 
act in behalf of the Union. 281 It was committed to a spe- 
cial committee composed of three Democrats and two 
Eepublicans. Then John F. Duncombe, who, it will be 
recalled, was a Breckinridge electoral candidate, offered 
a long series of resolutions. 282 He asked that the general 
government should, while continuing preparations for 
defense, cease active hostilities until Congress should 
have time to act, and at the same time recommended that 
a National Convention to settle the differences be speed- 
ily convened. The resolutions opposed a war for the 
subjugation of the seceded States as long as it was "pos- 
sible to affect an amicable adjustment of the sectional 

27 9 In the House a petition from Eev. Henry P. Scholte asked for arms 
for a military company at Pella, Marion County ; Washington County citizens 
petitioned for an appropriation for the support of families of volunteers; 
and a third petition concerning military affairs came from Keokuk County. 

sso i n the Senate H. H. Trimble and others asked for an appropriation to 
arm the "Home Guards" of Davis County; John A. McDonald asked the 
same for the ' ' City Bines ' ' of Keokuk ; and A. Gamble with 75 others re- 
quested military aid for Louisa County. 

28i Senate Journal, 1861, pp. 7, 8. 

2S2 Senate Journal, 1861, pp. 38, 39. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 99 

differences", and also declared against the war becoming 
one for the emancipation of the slaves. Senator Bowen 
at once moved to table the resolutions, but the Senate by- 
vote of eighteen to twenty-one refused to do so, and they 
were sent to the Committee on Federal Relations. 283 

On May 27th, the day before the legislature was to ad- 
journ, the aforesaid committee reported, presenting both 
a majority and a minority report. The majority report 
was signed by A. F. Brown, George M. Davis, and J. C. 
Hogans, all Republicans, while the minority report was 
signed by the only Democrat on the committee, Joseph 
Mann. The latter report consisted of the original Dun- 
combe resolutions, while the majority report 2S4 was a co- 
ercionist document. It charged the Southern States with 
an unjustifiable attempt to overthrow the Government 
and declared that if the right of secession were admitted, 
it would inevitab^ result in the destruction of the Fed- 
eral Government. Three resolves then followed, favor- 
ing the maintenance of the Constitution in all the States, 
employing the entire resources of the nation to accom- 
plish that end, and expressing belief that the Govern- 
ment desired to adjust the existing sectional difficulties. 
Finally, the Senate wished to go on record as opposing 
an attempt to settle the differences on any other terms 
than an "unconditional submission to the Constitution 
and the Laws of the United States ' '. 

The Committee on Federal Relations in the House was 
differently constituted and made a different record. The 
committee was composed of four Democrats, namely, T. 
W. Claggett, S. R. Peet, F. A. Gniffke, and J. H. William- 
son, to one Republican, S. B. Rosenkrans, with Mr. Clag- 
gett as chairman. Mr. Williamson, it should be said, was 

283 Senate Journal, 1861, pp. 39, 40. 

284 Senate Journal, 1861, p. 86. 



100 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

to all intents and purposes a Republican, but the Demo- 
crats controlled the committee, as the results show. The 
committee made two reports, a majority and a minority 
report, the first three signing the former and the last 
named two, the latter. 

The majority report, a series of resolutions 285 made 
by Mr. Claggett, urged the saving of the Union by com- 
promise, recommending two things, namely, a National 
Peace Convention and the ratification by the State legis- 
lature of the Constitutional amendment 286 passed by Con- 
gress. Governor Kirkwood did not report this amend- 
ment nor Lincoln's message to the legislature until the 
day before its adjournment, May 27th, and then it was 
with the recommendation that the amendment be not rati- 
fied. 287 For this recommendation, together with his de- 
lay in submitting the documents, the Governor was taken 
to task. The minority report was brief, simply declaring 
that it was inexpedient to act on the joint resolution of 
Congress. Mr. Caldwell moved a substitute for the joint 
"resolution in regard to the National Convention", to the 
effect that they favor such convention at the proper time 
"if it can be done with becoming dignity and without 
dishonor". John Edwards moved to recommit the re- 
port and to add Mr. Caldwell to the committee (which 
would obviously tie the committee), but it was lost and 
the vote on Mr. Claggett 's resolution was ordered. It is 
at this point the action of the House seems quite singular, 

285 House Journal, 1861, p. 132. 

286 The amendment was passed by Congress on March 2, 1861, signed by- 
President Buchanan and on March 16th submitted by President Lincoln to 
Governor Kirkwood. 

287 House Journal, 1861, pp. 104, 105. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 101 

for the resolutions were adopted by a vote of fifty to 
twenty-eight. 288 

The House Joint Resolution was received in the Sen- 
ate 289 at the evening session of May 28th, and it was at 
once attacked with substitutes and amendments. Upon 
David S. Wilson's motion to adopt, James F. Wilson 
moved to strike out the preamble. Before action was 
taken, Mr. Bussey moved a coercionist preamble as a sub- 
stitute, though still favoring a convention for amending 
the Constitution, "after the suppression of the rebel- 
lion". Mr. Rankin moved to adopt this, but George M. 
Davis would strike out the provision for amending the 
Constitution. This brought John A. Johnson to his feet 
with a substitute preamble almost identical with the orig- 
inal, and James F. Wilson moved to lay the whole sub- 
ject on the table, for which Johnson demanded the yeas 
and nays. The resolutions and all the amendments were 
then tabled by a strict party vote of twenty-one to thir- 
teen, not a Democrat voting on the affirmative nor a Re- 
publican on the negative. Such "War Democrats" as 
Bussey, Coolbaugh, and Green could not so ruthlessly 
thrust aside a peace proposition. In the meantime what 
had become of the two reports — majority and minority 
— of the Senate Committee on Federal Relations! They 
had been ordered to be placed on the calendar, but there 
they remained, and the Senate refused to go on record as 
in any way endorsing a peace proposition. The upper 
house now appeared the more radical of the two. 

In brief the work of the legislature was solely in sup- 
port of the policy of coercion. Twenty-four separate 

288 Vote on majority report — Claggett 'a resolutions : — Yeas — Demo- 
crats, 34; Republicans, 16; Nays — Democrats, 1; Republicans, 27. Absent 
or not voting — Democrats, 1; Republicans, 7. — House Journal, 1861, p. 135. 

289 Senate Journal, 1861, pp. 110-112. 



102 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

acts were passed, besides four resolutions and a memo- 
rial; but no milk-and-water ''Union" resolutions were 
permitted to stand upon the records. Naturally, nearly 
all the measures had to do with preparations for war. 
The memorial 290 to President Lincoln asked that the Iowa 
regiments be constituted a brigade with a general of their 
own. One joint resolution asked that an arsenal for the 
distribution of arms be established on Eock Island; 291 
another that the President should muster a regiment of 
cavalry in Iowa; 292 and a third that the Governor be 
authorized to provide additional clothing and munitions 
of war for the first regiment. 293 

The various military acts included a revision of the 
militia law 294 of the State, the organization and equip- 
ment of militiamen, 295 and provision for the pay of the 
volunteers, 296 as also for the relief of volunteer soldiers 297 
and for the support of the families of volunteers 298 — this 
latter support to come out of the county funds. Then 
there was a general appropriation bill 299 and an act pro- 
viding for the appointment of Auditing Commission- 
ers. 300 Two necessary acts were those providing for the 
means to meet the extraordinary expenses which the vast 
military preparations would entail. By one act, that rel- 

290 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 36. 
2oi Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 35. 
292 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 36. 

203 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 35. 

204 Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 21-25. 

295 Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 25, 26. 

296 Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 11, 12. 
207 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 6. 

203 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 31. 
299 Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 7-9. 
soo Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 9-11. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 103 

ative to the Revenue Law, 301 the rate of levy in taxation 
was increased, and by the second act the sale of State 
bonds 302 was authorized and guaranteed by pledging the 
"Revenue and faith of the State". The proceeds of the 
sale were to be used for military purposes and were not 
to exceed $800,000. The bonds were to be sold for coin 
only, and two agents 303 were named in the bill to conduct 
the sales. 

To put this vast military equipment into operation and 
to direct it, the Governor's powers and responsibility 
were increased and many new offices, military and semi- 
military, were created to assist him. It was in the choice 
of men and in the cautious firmness displayed in launch- 
ing this military organization, that Governor Kirkwood 
showed himself to be politic, wise, and courageous. The 
masterful manner in which he fulfilled his difficult task 
properly won him a place among the great "War Gov- 
ernors ' '. He made his selections without regard to party 
affiliation, being watchful only of two points, namely, to 
secure men of undoubted loyalty and of special fitness for 
the post to be filled. Probably no military position was 
so important at this critical juncture as that of Adjutant 
General. For this post the Governor singled out and ap- 
pointed Nathaniel B. Baker, who had demonstrated his 
loyalty as also his organizing ability and administrative 
efficiency in the war session of the legislature. To Gen- 
eral Baker is largely due the perfecting of the military 
system of Iowa — in securing enlistments, in equipment, 
in hospital service, in communication facilities, and in 
the keeping of records. Many other legislators stepped 
into responsible positions both civil and military. 

301 Laws of Iowa, 1861, p. 31. 

302 Laws of Iowa, 1861, pp. 6-20. 

303 The State Treasurer and Mr. Maturin L. Fisher. 



104 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Enlistments were going on all the while, and in the 
urgent need for local protection and the larger service to 
the nation, people almost forgot their party differences. 
With the State safely in the hands of the Republicans, 
which party also controlled the policy at Washington, 
Iowa was ready to ignore party and to bestow honors 
and to clothe with authority any who gave satisfactory 
evidence of their loyalty to, and support of, the policy of 
coercion. 



Chapter V 
THE POLITICAL READJUSTMENT OF 1861 

THE QUESTION OF PARTY REORGANIZATION 

Now that war had actually opened and the proph- 
ecies of the Democrats had in a measure been fulfilled, 
the adoption of a policy consistent with their former dec- 
larations was paramount in the minds of the leaders. 
Since their declaration of principles at the Union Con- 
vention of January 31st, the crisis had come, and as we 
have seen, a number of Democratic partisans announced 
their support of the Government as the only course open 
to a loyal citizen. The administration press of Iowa 
skilfully applied the argument of non-partisan duty to 
the State and Nation, and it required no deep insight to 
see that the Republican partisans would, if possible, 
press the War Democrats who were in the service of the 
Government, also into the service of their party. 

The Republicans seemed to be too busy with the in- 
auguration of the military organization to begin an early 
agitation in State politics. They were secure in their 
party organization, and had nothing to gain by prema- 
ture action. With the Democrats it was otherwise. The 
leaders beheld a party on the verge of ruin and felt the 
need of immediate reorganization. 304 Many Democrats 
were honestly opposed to the war, and if the war could 
be made the issue, they might upon a Peace platform 
swing the State back into its natural orbit. But in the 
matter of party organization they were confronted with 
serious difficulties. 

so* Dubuque Herald, March 5, 1861. 



106 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

The Republicans, on the other hand, while their party 
organization was not in danger, and while they were not 
planning as early a nominating convention as usual, did, 
however, soon after the extra session of the legisla- 
ture, announce their purpose to follow a partisan 
policy in the coming campaign, — notwithstanding the 
Democratic aid given the State Administration, and their 
own advocacy of non-partisan support of the Govern- 
ment. 

The call 305 for a State Convention was issued by Mr. 
Hoxie on June 5th, providing for the convention to meet 
in Des Moines on Wednesday, July 31st. Aside from the 
nomination of a State ticket, a very significant feature of 
the call, especially in the light of the course which the 
Republicans were then pursuing in the States of Illinois, 
Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania and New York, 300 was that 
the Convention would take such other action as in its 
opinion might "contribute to the success of the Repub- 
lican Party". So that while the campaign was to begin 
comparatively late, there was to be no mistaking its 
partisan character. 

As to the Democrats, while they had up to this time 
done nothing but talk, they really were waiting to see 
what course the Republican Party meant to pursue and 
then act accordingly. That was now clear; and the Re- 
publicans' partisanship could be made an issue. The 
Democrats must gather together the fragments of their 
party, make the Republicans odious to the War Demo- 
crats, and force a defensive campaign upon the party in 
power. Thus the question which the Democrats had been 

305 Iowa State Begister, June 5, 1861. 

sooKhodes' History of the United States, Vol. Ill, p. 158. Dunning 's 
The Second Birth of the Bepublican Party in the American Historical Be- 
vievo, October, 1910. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 107 

discussing, namely, ''Shall the Democracy of Iowa hold 
a party convention?" was quickly answered, and in the 
affirmative. It was left to the leader of conservative 
opinion, D. A. Mahoney, to start things, and three days 
after the Republican announcement, the call 307 for a 
Democratic State Convention appeared. 

The Convention was to assemble in Des Moines on 
July 10th, fully three weeks before the Republican Con- 
vention. Mr. Mahoney claimed that the Republicans, by 
calling a partisan convention, had thrown down the 
gauntlet and he proposed to accept the challenge. 308 Be- 
sides this, the call indicated what was to be the Demo- 
cratic platform. Opposition to the war policy of the Gov- 
ernment was to be the issue, and it was declared that the 
Democrats would meet at the polls that party which had 
plunged the country into war. The author then enumer- 
ated the current charges against the administration, cen- 
suring President Lincoln for his assumption and exer- 
cise of arbitrary power, referring to what Mahoney him- 
self was so soon to experience, namely the President's 
suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and also his use 
of the military courts for the trial of civil cases. The 
call also stated the business of the convention and fixed 
the basis of representation, which for obvious reasons 
was to be upon the vote for Governor in 1859, instead of 
upon the vote of 1860. There was to be no voting by 
proxy, and to secure a "full representation" the coun- 
ties were urged to hold conventions for choosing dele- 
gates. This was all business-like and seemed perfectly 
proper, but the style of the signature was unusual and on 
its face showed some irregularity. It was signed by D. A. 
Mahoney, as "Chairman pro tern". Through this call 

307 Dubuque Herald, June 8, 1861. 

308 Dubuque Herald, June 11, 1861. 



108 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the Democracy was to become further embarrassed, and 
the question as to whether they should hold a State Con- 
vention was further complicated by involving them in a 
heated discussion over the call. 

The first response appeared a few days later in the 
form of a letter 309 from J. B. Dorr to editor Mahoney, 
protesting against the manner of the call and the time 
set for the convention. Mr. Dorr objected, in the first 
place, to the authority back of the call ; for in the absence 
from the State of Mr. Henry Adams, the Chairman, it 
required a majority of the State Committee to issue a 
call, and Mr. Mahoney had not even corresponded with a 
single member. Again, the time was too short to secure 
a full representation ; besides, it would be better to hold 
the convention after that of the Republicans, even as late 
as September, for it was just possible that the war would 
take such a turn as would demand the attention of the 
Democratic party. Furthermore, the utterances in the 
call, inasmuch as they constituted a platform on the ques- 
tion of the rebellion, would forestall the State Conven- 
tion. Mr. Dorr did not wish the party put in the wrong 
light. "All", said he, "are for the Union and the Gov- 
ernment against the robber hordes", while the call was 
so phrased as to place the Democrats of the State in op- 
position to the Government. He then paid a high tribute 
to Lincoln, declaring that what the President did could 
not be arbitrary when done to prevent a far more arbi- 
trary and infamous course. 

Mr. Dorr thus clearly put himself on the side of the 
Government, though he gave no intimation of abandon- 
ing his party ; on the contrary, he appealed to the liberal 
wing to take a hand and control its policy. To this end 
he expressed the hope that the State Central Committee 

300 The Dubuque Herald for June 14, 1861, contains the letter in full. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 109 

would suppress the call and issue another, for holding the 
convention in September, and he revealed the geograph- 
ical cleavage in the party by concluding : " It remains for 
true Democrats of the center of the State to see that the 
convention is not misdirected." This protest is typical 
of the War Democrats, and shows practically as great a 
difference between them and the regulars as between the 
latter and the Republicans. It was for the old line Demo- 
crats to say whether the War Democrats should be saved 
to the party or be driven into the arms of the party in 
power. 

Mr. Mahoney refused to enter into a prolonged discus- 
sion with Dorr, but mildly read him out of the party. He 
charged him with attempting to play the Democracy of 
the State into the hands of the Republicans, by convert- 
ing it into an "auxiliary of Republicanism in any and 
every course that party may take to prosecute the pend- 
ing war". 310 The Herald was now closed to Mr. Dorr, to 
whom, however, the columns of the local administration 
paper, the Dubuque Times, were quickly opened. Ma- 
honey would not permit his paper to become a "medium 
for destroying and disorganizing the Democratic party"; 
the Times, he said, was "the proper organ to use for that 
purpose". 311 Mr. Mahoney may have been right in this, 
but it was very poor politics, for nothing could hasten 
more certainly the adhesion of the War Demcorats to the 
Republicans. 

Judge Lincoln Clark also protested against the call in 
an able letter to Mr. Mahoney on the ' ' Principles of Gov- 
ernment". 312 Other protests and letters from leading 
Democrats over the State appeared. The Dubuque 

sio Dubuque Herald, June 14, 1861. 
3ii Dubuque Herald, June 19, 1861. 
sis Dubuque Herald, June 21, 1861. 



HO THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Times published a protest from local Democrats, 313 some 
of whom, however, being informed that they were con- 
tributing to the break up of their party, later pro- 
tested that they had been deceived in the object sought, 
and now wished to put themselves right before the pub- 
lic. 314 The Mahoneyites of Dubuque County now also 
endorsed the call. The Herald took advantage of the sit- 
uation, and for several days, under the caption "The 
Protesters Protested", 315 published an endorsement of 
the call with a daily increasing list of signers. 310 

Mahoney's influence was not wholly lost; for while his 
method was subjected to criticism, his course had also 
found favor, several journals as well as individuals com- 
ing out for the convention as called. The Davenport 
Democrat, the Iowa State Journal? 11 and the Oskaloosa 
Times 318 fell in line, the latter two recommending only a 
change of date for the convention. This was all that Mr. 
Mahoney wanted, and he now came out with an explana- 
tion, 319 to the effect that the State Chairman upon leav- 
ing had committed to him the authority to fix the date for 
the convention; and as to the utterances in the call, he 
frankly confessed that he took the liberty to set forth 
the conditions of the country and to state the issues. He 
also now sought to make definite his opposition to seces- 
sion and to soften his attack upon the Government's pol- 
icy. He hoped thus to stay the exodus from the party, 

3i3 Dubuque Times, June 21, 1861. 

si* Mr. Frederick A. Gniffke in Dtibuque Herald, June 29, 1861. 

sis Dubuque Herald, June 25, 1861. 

sio Dubuque Herald, June 27 and 28, 1861. 

3i7 Davenport Democrat, June 25, 1861. 

sis Oskaloosa Times, June 27, 1861. 

sis Dubuque Herald, June 29, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD H\ 

but the opposition was not placated and remained sus- 
picious of this would-be dictator. 

It was decided then to postpone the convention, and 
the date fixed upon was July 24th. The possible reason 
for choosing this date will presently appear. But since 
the postponement was for only two weeks, the real con- 
tention of the protesting Democrats was disregarded and 
it was certain that the party differences would break out 
in the State convention. The controversy demonstrated 
clearly that the party was disrupted and that the War 
Democrats were at sea. They lacked definite purpose, 
apparently halting between the two courses open, namely, 
either to control the policy of their party, or to abandon 
the political hulk and unite with the Republican party. 

In the meantime the original Mahoney call had been 
endorsed by several counties. Besides that of Dubuque 
the counties of Appanoose, Linn, Jones, Scott, and Wash- 
ington issued calls for county conventions to elect dele- 
gates to the State Convention. In none of these, how- 
ever, was there a statement of the "issues". But the 
resolutions of some of them, notably those of Appanoose, 
were Mahoneyite in tone. These resolutions were drawn 
up by Judge Amos Harris of Centerville, and emphasized 
the stock points — opposition to the war, to Lincoln's 
assumption of power, and to the "Abolition raid on the 
institution of slavery ' ' — and demanded the right of free 
discussion. 

After the second call was issued, other counties, under 
divided counsels, hastened as best they could, the re- 
organization of the party locally, and prepared to go up 
to Des Moines. 

THE FIRST "UNION" PARTY MOVEMENT 

Before the regular party conventions were held a new 



112 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

movement appeared. An opposition element was devel- 
oping within the Republican party as well as in the Dem- 
ocratic. These two factions, having a common end, nat- 
urally drew together, and those Republicans who opposed 
the partisan course of their party joined with the de- 
termined War Democrats in an independent course. 
They would abandon the old parties and form a new or- 
ganization. It was to be composed of all men on the side 
of the Government, who were willing now to turn their 
backs upon their former party affiliations and organize 
a party which was to be known as the People's Party. 

On July 4th a call for a State Convention, to convene 
in Des Moines on the 25th, was issued. The call went out 
from Des Moines, and among the signers were Martin D. 
McHenry and J. C. Savery, both former Constitutional 
Union men, and Andrew J. Stevens, who at the Chicago 
Convention of 1860 had been reelected as the Iowa mem- 
ber of the National Republican Committee. 

The Convention itself, so far as size and representa- 
tion is concerned, was small, scarcely anything more than 
a ' ' one-horse ' ' gathering of local politicians. There were 
but seven counties represented with thirty delegates, 
eighteen of whom sat for Polk County. The Convention, 
however, organized, drafted a platform, and though it 
did not "deem it prudent" to name a ticket, it planned 
to conquer the State for a genuine non-partisan cam- 
paign. They thus hoped to accomplish in Iowa what was 
going on in some of the neighboring States and in the 
East. 

The resolutions 320 reported and finally adopted were 
rather hostile to the Government and hence did not suit 
all. Upon the issue of the war the Convention divided, 
Mr. Savery, a "delegate" from Polk County, submitting 

320 Iowa State Register, July 31, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 113 

a substitute resolution as an amendment to the war plank 
in the committee's report. It proposed unqualified loyal 
support to the National Government "against its adver- 
saries, whether they show themselves as open Rebels in 
the South or as sympathizers with the rebellion in the 
North". This was voted down and a mere general dec- 
laration adopted in its stead, namely, a pledge "to sup- 
port the Government in maintaining inviolate the Consti- 
tution and the laws, and to suppress rebellion in all its 
forms ' '. 

The resolutions as a whole were not acceptable to all, 
and so the "Union" party was handicapped from the 
start. Little could be expected without the moral 
strength of conviction back of it all. Thus, while the 
purpose was to consolidate the non-partisan "Union" 
men of the State, it failed in its object. Republicans 
looked upon the movement with suspicion and ridiculed 
the "pretense that all former political associations had 
fulfilled their uses and ought to be superseded". The 
Democrats were hopeful of using the new party to their 
own advantage. The Republicans, for their part, regard- 
ed it as rather suspicious that this so-called "People's" 
Convention should have been called together on the heels 
of the Democratic State Convention, that certain lead- 
ing Democrats seemed very much interested in the Con- 
vention, and that members of the two groups apparently 
had so much in common. 

There can be little doubt but that fusion was in the 
minds of some at least, as is seen in the fact of their not 
putting out a ticket. To the minds of the Republicans 
this meant danger. After the convention, Mr. Palmer 
editorially expressed the suspicion of the Republicans. 
Said he : " Our readers will bear us witness that we have 



8 



114 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

shown no undue partiality for this People's movement 
from the beginning." 321 

THE DEMOCRACY IN STATE CONVENTION 

The Democratic State Convention assembled in Des 
Moines on July 24th, with about seventy-five delegates in 
attendance. These were almost exclusively from the 
eastern half of the State, there being only three counties 
— Dallas, Guthrie and Pottawattamie — represented, 
west from the capital. Even the populous south-eastern 
counties of Lee and Des Moines, and the north-eastern 
counties of Allamakee, Clayton, Linn and Scott, failed to 
send delegates. In the organization of the convention 
the Mahoneyites were easily in control. Charles Negus 
of Fairfield was the temporary chairman, and ex-Gov- 
ernor Stephen Hempstead was honored with the perma- 
nent chairmanship. Since there was an active opposi- 
tion minority, the proceedings were marked with sensa- 
tional incidents from first to last. 322 

Mr. Mahoney properly opened the Convention with a 
key-note speech which presumably would reappear in the 
platform. The speech brought to his feet a War Demo- 
crat, W. W. Belknap of Keokuk, who though not a dele- 
gate, was present to see how things would go. Mr. Bel- 
knap arose to explain the status of the Lee County 
Democracy, and threw a fire-brand into the Convention 
when he stated that Lee County Democrats did not re- 
spond to the ' ' call from Dubuque ' ' because they did not 
like the looks of it, and protested against the course 
taken. A delegate moved to make Mr. Belknap a mem- 
ber of the Convention, but he spurned the invitation, and 
sensation ran riot when he declared that he had "no de- 
sire to train in such a crowd". While his position was 

321 Iowa State Register, July 31, 1861. 

322 Proceedings in Iowa State Register, July 31, 1861. 



CIVIL WAE AND BECONSTRUCTION PEEIOD H5 

characteristic of the War Democrats, yet there were 
enough present as delegates to wage war upon the Ma- 
honeyites in platform-making. 

The real contest came on the report of the Committee 
on Resolutions. The resolutions, 323 ten in number, pre- 
sented a medley of patriotic sentiments, expressions con- 
demnatory of the Government, and a plan for securing 
peace. The framers condemned both secession and war; 
and although they obligated themselves "to preserve and 
perpetuate the federal union", they did so only so far as 
constitutional means might be employed. They again op- 
posed the use of force and recommended a representative 
peace convention; but this was to include the "removal 
of the question of slavery from the halls of congress and 
the States of the Union ' '. They thus contended for a be- 
lated method in the support of an outworn principle, and 
proved their inability to frame a really constructive plat- 
form. 

The peace plank in the resolutions brought out a sharp 
fight, with Judge Phillips leading the attack on the vet- 
erans — Mahoney, Samuels, Neal, and Bennett. To gain 
some standing ground the War Democrats offered a res- 
olution pledging the Iowa Democracy to the support of 
the National Administration in the prosecution of the 
war, in case the Confederate States should refuse to ac- 
cept an equitable compromise ; but they were defeated in 
this, as also in their attempt to secure an endorsement, 
rather than a condemnation, of the $800,000 war loan of 
the State. 

In the nomination of a ticket, the old guard had it all 
their own way. For the office of Governor they named 
ex-Judge Charles Mason; for Lieutenant-Governor, Ma- 
turin L. Fisher; and for Justice, J. M. Ellwood. With 

323 Fairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, pp. 58-60. 



116 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

this ticket, composed of excellent men personally, though 
standing upon an anti-war platform, and with their party 
distracted, the Democrats went before the people to face 
a certain and overwhelming defeat at the polls. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY CONVENTION 

Quite otherwise was it with the Republicans when they 
assembled in Des Moines a week later, on July 31st. Al- 
though the Convention was not as large as was expected, 
it was marked by enthusiasm, determination, and confi- 
dence. There were but sixty-four of the ninety-seven 
counties represented, and several of these were repre- 
sented by proxy. 324 The comparatively small represen- 
tation is to be accounted for rather by the fact of the ac- 
tivity in military organization and the general confidence 
in those who would gather, than because any consider- 
able number of Republicans had become disaffected by 
the People's party movement. 

This Convention is notable in that it was composed of 
so many able and prominent men, then leaders, or soon to 
become such, in the councils of the Nation as well as in 
State politics. The men soon to go to Congress were 
William B. Allison, Hiram Price, J. B. Grinnell, and G. 
W. Donnan. Rush Clark was to go into governmental 
service at Washington, Samuel F. Miller to the Supreme 
Court, Samuel Merrill to the Governor's chair, and E. W. 
Eastman to the Lieutenant-Governorship. Then there 
were present such men as John A. Elliott, J. W. Cattell, 
N. M. Hubbard, N. W. Rowell, Orville Faville, James T. 
Lane, P. H. Conger, 0. P. Shiras, Isaac Pendleton, J. M. 
Grifiitli, P. P. Henderson, and the newspaper men, Clark 
Dunham, Charles Aldrich, and others. These were the 
men who shaped the course of Iowa Republicanism in 
1861. 

32* The proceedings are found in the Iowa State Register, August 7, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD H7 

The Convention organized with William G. Woodward 
and Charles Aldrich as the temporary officers. The Ger- 
man element was honored in the choice of H. A. Wiltse 
as permanent chairman. The Committee on Resolu- 
tions 325 was especially strong and their work politically 
important. They drew up a short, simple platform, 
"wisely and patriotically confined to the questions now 
engaging the Nation". 320 The report, made by Mr. Al- 
lison, contained eight resolutions 327 and was, we are told, 
unanimously adopted. The resolutions declared that 
"whosoever hesitates or falters" in the cause of the 
Union, ' ' should receive the execrations of mankind as he 
surely will the reproaches of posterity", and made an 
open bid for the support of the War Democrats. This 
was not a fusionist proposal, but a straight-out, unvar- 
nished invitation to join the Republican party, and was 
the basic principle upon which the party acted through- 
out the war. The article reads: "We heartily invite co- 
operation with us of men of all parties, whatsoever their 
former political ties, who adhere to these sentiments, and 
who unite in the patriotic support of the present loyal ad- 
ministration". Besides the platform, two separate reso- 
lutions of political significance were adopted. One was 
in substance the Savery resolution which had been re- 
jected at the "People's Convention"; and the other was 
by Mr. Grinnell, in praise of the Irish and the German 
soldiers, with a recommendation for the promotion of 
Colonel Franz Sigel to a Brigadier Generalship. 

The Republicans were less harmonious in making up 

325 Committee on Resolutions : Samuel F. Miller, W. H. Day, N. W. 
Rowell, Isaac Pendleton, Isaac Brandt, J. Matthews, Hiram Price, E. Cutler, 
Wm. B. Allison, Orville Faville, Enoch W. Eastman. 

326 Iowa State Register, August 7, 1861. 

327 Fairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, pp. 57, 58. 



118 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

their ticket than in drafting the platform. The rivalry 
for the gubernatorial candidacy was especially keen, but 
the general feeling was that Governor Kirkwood de- 
served a second term. He had already been tested and 
had demonstrated that in a crisis, he, calm, resourceful, 
and honest, could be depended upon. But there were oth- 
er aspirants, among them Elijah Sells, who it was 
claimed, had he followed the advice of his friends and 
deserted Kirkwood, might have swung the convention. 328 
Fitz Henry Warren, a man high in the councils of the 
party and restless out of office, was seeking the nomina- 
tion, while Samuel F. Miller, to whom the place had been 
promised after the end of Kirkwood 's term, was also in 
the field. 329 But Governor Kirkwood was easily renom- 
inated, first by ballot and then by acclamation. 330 John 
R. Needham was named for Lieutenant-Governor over 
S. J. McFarland, S. B. Shelledy, Wm. A. Holmes, and 
John Edwards. Edwards soon joined the People's move- 
ment. The sharpest contest was in the nomination for 
Justice of the Supreme Court. Here a deadlock pro- 
longed the ballotting for Judge Williams, Justice Lowe, 
and John F. Dillon, which was not broken until the four- 
teenth ballot, when Justice Lowe was renominated. E. 
W. Eastman, Jacob Butler, and Samuel F. Miller were 
also voted for during the deadlock. The ticket was re- 
garded as especially strong and was warmly commended 
to "the lovers of our common country". 

328 As the result 'of this contest the two men, Kirkwood and Sells, became 
estranged. The former later came to believe that Mr. Sells had after all 
worked underhandedly for the nomination at that time. — See Annals of 
Iowa. 

329 s ee proceedings of convention, Iowa State Register, August 7, 1861. 

330 informal ballot: Kirkwood, 272%; Miller, 31; Sells, 29; Warren, 
29; S. A. Rice, 12%. Formal ballot: Kirkwood, 310%; Warren, 32%; 
Miller, 19; Sells, 12. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 119 

A special committee headed by Mr. Grinnell selected 
the State Central Committee, 331 whose business it was to 
Eepublicanize the State. There was little to indicate that 
the solidarity of the party was weakened. However, 
during the month of August and the first days of Sep- 
tember, in the heat of the campaign, a wave of desertion 
struck the party; but for several reasons, as we shall see, 
the disaffected individuals returned to their party al- 
legiance in time to vote straight. 

THE QUESTION OF A UNION" PAETY : A SECOND SERIES OF STATE 

CONVENTIONS 

The campaign of 1861 was unique. Campaigning as 
such could make little headway against the political un- 
rest and war excitement of the summer. There was an 
increasing demand for peace, for the war was bringing 
disaster upon the country. The country was in the first 
shock of consciousness that the war promised to be a very 
real and stubborn struggle, and not a summer's holiday 
affair as many Northerners had fancied, iifter the de- 
feat at Bull Run, although the call for troops was re- 
sponded to and the State authorities had pushed enlist- 
ments, yet the peace party stock rose. The Democrats 
were disrupted and discredited, the Republicans were be- 
ing bitterly criticized for their partisan course, and the 
half way policy of the People's party satisfied no one. 
The time seemed ripe for a new party with a new name. 
The feeling now invaded the ranks of the Republican 
party, alienating quite a large and influential element. 

331 Republican State Central Committee: (1) Samuel F. Miller of Lee, 
(2) William S. Dungan of Lucas, (3) W. R. Smith of Woodbury, (4) John 
R. Lockwood of Pottawattamie, (5) J. N. Dewey of Polk, (6) J. H. Saun- 
ders of Keokuk, (7) Jacob Butler of Muscatine, (8) J. Shane of Benton, 
(9) G. W. Metier of Black Hawk, (10) L. Fuller of Fayette, (11) R, H. 
Taylor of Marshall. 



120 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Some, as Senator Grimes 332 for instance, though not dis- 
gruntled, were ready to yield the party to the cause of 
the Government, and form a new party to that end. The 
result was a second series of conventions: the People's 
party to organize upon a State-wide basis with a ticket; 
the Democrats to re-shape their ticket, in the hope of 
bringing back the deserters. 

The second People's Convention assembled at Des 
Moines on August 28th. The peace party was now 
strengthened by such men as William Penn Clarke, John 
Edwards, Eeuben Noble, and others from the Repub- 
licans, and I. M. Preston, T. W. Claggett, and others from 
the Democracy. It even claimed Adjutant General Ba- 
ker. The Convention was larger than the one in July, 
there being nineteen counties represented, with some 
forty odd delegates. 333 Colonel Preston was made the 
permanent chairman, and William Penn Clarke was 
Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions. 

The Convention claimed to be non-partisan, wholly free 
from political bias, and so the resolutions discredited all 
partisan platforms and tickets. In substance the resolu- 
tions were similar to those adopted in July. Three single 
resolutions were also adopted, one by Mr. Claggett, which 
struck at the Lincoln administration, eliciting a fierce dis- 
cussion, but for the sake of peace it went through. 

The main object of this Convention was to name a non- 
332 ' < Permit me to say that the time has arrived when I am anxious to 
forget, all party names, and party platforms and party organizations, and 
to unite with anybody and everybody in an honest, ardent and patriotic 
support of the Government — not as a party Government with a Republican 
at its head, but as the national Government ordained by and for the bene- 
fit of the whole of the country. ' ' — Senator Grimes in response to a letter 
(August 17th, 1861) signed by Republicans and Democrats, inviting him 
to give an address. — Salter's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 150. 

333 For proceedings of the convention, see the Iowa State Register, Sep- 
tember 4, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 121 

partisan State ticket. The willingness on the part of 
some, and the equally determined refusal on the part of 
others, to accept nominations was the thing which char- 
acterized this contest. It developed a feeling which mili- 
tated against the movement. But how did they make out 
a non-partisan slate? General Baker, a former Demo- 
crat, was named for Governor; Col. Laurin Dewey, a 
Constitutional Union man of 1860, was named for Lieu- 
tenant-Governor ; and Reuben Noble, a non-partisan Re- 
publican, was nominated for Judge. They could not have 
been more politic, so far as concerned the recognition of 
political antecedents in the newly formed party, and the 
ticket was excellent in its personnel. But with the ex- 
ception of Colonel Dewey, who was nominated by accla- 
mation, the nominees protested. Besides this, John Ed- 
wards and Col. William H. Merritt were prominently in 
the race for Governor, while J. N. Rogers and Martin D. 
McIIenry would have accepted the nomination for Jus- 
tice. But the Convention did what it started out to ac- 
complish, and after adopting the name "Union Party" 
and appointing a State Central Committee, with Dr. A. 
Y. Hull as chairman, the members adjourned to engage 
in the campaign. 

THE SECOND DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION 

The Democrats had fixed upon August 29th, 334 the day 
after the "Union" party Convention, as the time for 
holding their second convention, but because of the sus- 
picions aroused it was changed to September 3rd. This 
was to have been a convention of the anti-secession wing 
of the party, but the Mahoneyites resolved to pack the 
Convention and thus perchance save their organization 
and ticket. 335 The result was another imbroglio which 
only further discredited the Democracy. 

334 Iowa State Register, August 14, 1861. 

335 state Journal, August 28, 1861. 



122 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

At the appointed time the factions gathered at Des 
Moines with twenty counties represented. The Maho- 
neyites, true to their purpose, packed the hall, overawed 
the "Union" minority, and controlled the Convention; 
although they did allow the minority to have the chair- 
man, Judge Lincoln Clark. 330 They showed their 
strength, however, in two particulars, namely, first in 
seating the Mahoney delegation from Wayne County by 
a vote of 200 to 71, notwithstanding the fact that the de- 
feated delegation had been regularly chosen; and in the 
second place, the appointment of the Committee on Reso- 
lutions was taken out of the chairman's hands and as- 
sumed by the Convention. 

In the evening the Convention met in Sherman Hall to 
hear the report of the Committee on Resolutions and to 
name the ticket. As might be expected, there were two 
sets of resolutions reported. The majority of the com- 
mittee reported the platform which was adopted at the 
July convention, while the minority report, by William F. 
Coolbaugh, chairman of the committee, was an out-and- 
out administration platform. The struggle came on the 
floor of the Convention, where Coolbaugh was ably sup- 
ported by Judge J. C. Hall and others, and the chief 
spokesmen for the regular platform were M. V. B. Ben- 
nett and A. J. Baker. During the debate it was "con- 
fusion worse confounded", and Mr. Clark tendered his 
resignation as chairman. He then, in a parting speech, 
warned the secession element, and with a comparatively 
large following of War Democrats he left the hall. 

After the bolters had retired, the Convention placed 
Senator Harvey Dunlavy in the chair, passed their reso- 
lutions, and revised their former ticket by supplanting 

336 Proceedings found in Iowa State Begister, September 4, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 123 

Mr. Fisher, the nominee for Lieutenant-Governor, with 
William H. Merritt. 337 The Convention adjourned, and 
for a second time the Democrats submitted their work to 
the people of the State. 

The party met with less unanimity in the endorsement 
of its work than before, few endorsing both platform and 
ticket. Richard H. Sylvester of the Ioiva City Press, 
however, came out with a full endorsement, 338 as did a 
few others. Mr. Coolbaugh, one of the bolters, as soon as 
he reached home, issued an address urging the Democ- 
racy to vote against Charles Mason and also against 
Jairus E. Neal, who had just been nominated for Con- 
gress, since both men were "taking disunion ground". 339 
'To such War Democrats as were impressed by Cool- 
baugh 's views, there was obviously nothing left to do but 
to join the third-party movement. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY AND THE UNION MOVEMENT 

The Republicans, beset on all sides, were compelled to 
defend their particular kind of non-partisanship. They 
claimed that no better "Union" platform could possibly 
be drafted than the one adopted by the Republican party, 
since it was broad enough for everybody to stand upon. 340 
As evidence that Republicans were "Union" men and 
that their party was the "Union" party, they cited the 
action of the Republican Congress and President in their 
efforts to save the Union. They pointed out the fact that 
in the Republican platform all party issues had been ig- 
nored ; and the non-partisan character of their State con- 

337 The Democratic ticket now was : for Governor, Charles Mason ; for 
Lieutenant-Governor, W. H. Merritt; for Justice of the Supreme Court, 
J. M. Ellwood. 

sss Iowa City Press, September 6, 1861. 

330/oira State Register, September 11, 1861. 

3+o/ou-o State Register, August 29, 1861. 



124 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

vention was shown by the unanimous adoption of the 
Savery resolution, 341 which was expressly designed to 
distinguish between the loyal support of a loyal govern- 
ment and the endorsement of purely partisan issues. 
The Republicans generally held that this "new party" 
movement was fathered by disappointed office-seekers, 
both Republican and Democratic, and was designed to 
defeat Governor Kirkwood. 

The invitation to "patriotic Democrats" to join their 
party seemed to the Republicans both logical and honor- 
able; for, they held, since the issue was simply that of 
sustaining or opposing the Government, to support their 
party nominees was the only way of manifesting the in- 
dividual citizen 's loyalty and integrity. Whether the Re- 
publicans were sincere or not, the argument they put 
forth was not wholly convincing to their wavering op- 
ponents. One thing, however, was clear, namely, that the 
Republicans of Iowa had no mind to join in a fusion 
scheme in 1861, doubtless for the reason that they knew 
their strength to be sufficient without it. 

While in a few counties the People's movement suc- 
ceeded, 342 in others it was successfully averted by local 
Republican leaders. At the "People's Convention" of 
Linn County, held at Cedar Rapids early in September, 
Judge Isbell threw cold water on the movement. Called 
upon for a "speech", he declared that the Republican 
party was victorious and there was no cause for the 

3 41 It had been rejected by the People's Convention, July 25th. See 
above, p. 113. 

3- 12 In Delaware County a ' ' Loyal Union Convention ' ' nominated S. G. 
VanAnda, a former Democrat, for a Representative in the legislature; like- 
wise in Monroe County a "harmonious Union Convention" named Oliver 
P. Rowles, of Republican antecedents. Both of these men were elected, 
and in the election returns the Republican press accredited them to the 
Republican party. — Ioiva State Eegister, November 26, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 125 

formation of a new party; nor should the Republican 
party be called upon to yield anything. It had never de- 
serted and it was dishonorable to ask it to do so now. As 
to a new party, said he, "however pure the motive or 
whatever may be the name of such party, confidence is of 
slow growth and I believe the inevitable practical result 
must be to engender discord and heated strife detri- 
mental to the best interests of the country and encour- 
aging to its enemies". He thus expressed the general 
Republican view and with good effect probed the core of 
the situation. 

This determination of the Republicans to maintain 
their party organization, notwithstanding the clamorous 
demand from a minority within as well as from without 
the party, for a non-partisan "Union" policy, is further 
seen in the choice of a successor to Representative Sam- 
uel R. Curtis, who had resigned his seat and gone to the 
front. His letter to his First District constituents re- 
signing his seat, did not appear until the close of Au- 
gust, 343 but already the Republican Congressional Com- 
mittee had taken steps to choose his successor. 344 The 
Republicans assembled at Oskaloosa on September 4th 
in a largely attended, strictly partisan convention, pre- 
sided over by S. F. Cooper of Poweshiek County. While 
it was a foregone conclusion that James F. Wilson would 
be the almost unanimous choice, yet there were other 
aspirants — M. L. McPherson, Rufus L. B. Clark, and 
John Edwards. On the first ballot Wilson secured 153 
votes to 69 for the others ; on the second ballot he got all 
but one vote, which went to Edwards. Mr. Wilson's nom- 
ination was then made unanimous and he delivered his 
famous acceptance speech, in which he advocated "can- 

zisloiva State Register, August 28, 1861. 
zalowa State Register, August 21, 1861. 



126 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

non, sword and bayonet" as the "only compromise for 
traitors". 345 The convention adopted a characteristic 
Eepnblican platform. The "Union" element in the con- 
vention was not satisfied and determined upon an inde- 
pendent course. 

Just before the nomination of Wilson the Democrats 
had held a convention and had nominated Senator Jairus 
E. Neal. The " Union" faction had supported Dan 0. 
Finch, who was but seven votes behind Mr. Neal. 346 The 
Democrats could have made no greater mistake at this 
time, for Mr. Neal was a well-known "rebel sympathiz- 
er". As early as June he had delivered a speech at 
Knoxville which was so pro-Southern as to find accept- 
able circulation in the South. It was to Neal that the Re- 
publicans first applied the cognomen "Rattlesnake" in 
connection with his candidacy for Congress. 347 

In view of the sharp contests in both party conventions 
it was quite natural and easy for both dissatisfied fac- 
tions to decide upon naming a "Union" candidate. A 
convention met at Oskaloosa on September 11th and, 
against his wishes, nominated John Edwards, who at the 
time was winning military glory in Missouri. 348 He had 
already been endorsed for the Congressional nomination 
by the Union Convention on August 28th. Mr. Edwards 
did not accept. The matter, however, was allowed to 
drag on until October, when the Union party movement 
had spent itself, before it was officially announced by the 
chairman of the Union Congressional Convention, Mr. 
J. B. Bauserman, that Edwards's name had been with- 
drawn. 349 

345 Proceedings in Iowa State Register, September 6, 1861. 

346 Iowa State Register, September 4, 1861. 

347 Iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 

348 Iowa State Register, September 19, 1861. 

349 Iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 127 

Thus the Republican leaders were beginning to see the 
end of the danger to their partisan course. They were, 
however, to be annoyed by the "Fusion" scheme which 
now took the place of the project for a "Union" party. 

THE FUSION MOVEMENT AND THE ELECTION 

The second Union convention failed to yield the results 
hoped for by its projectors. The ticket, though a good 
one, was in a state of suspended acceptance ; for the nom- 
inees had not yet signified their intentions. The further 
Democratic split presaged naught but ruin to the party, 
though the leaders made strenuous efforts to rally their 
friends in old-time mass meetings. Many dissatisfied 
Democrats were loath to give up their party and some of 
the very leaders of the Union movement still claimed to 
be Democrats. Others who, upon the firing on Sumter, 
started with the Government, now hesitated. All Demo- 
crats comprehended the inevitable result of their divi- 
sions, and there came to be a general feeling that their di- 
vided state was the explanation for Republican success 
in the past as also of their inevitable victory at the ap- 
proaching election. 

One of the first attempts toward getting together was 
at a "Democratic mass meeting" in Des Moines on 
Thursday, September 3rd, the day of the second Demo- 
cratic State Convention. It was presided over by Dr. A. 
Y. Hull, who had just been made State Chairman of the 
new Union party; while the leading speaker, James Ba- 
ker, had been prominent in calling the second People's 
convention. Baker, in his speech, strongly opposed the 
coercion policy of the Government. Several impromptu 
speeches were made, among them one as significant as it 
was typical of the state of mind of the War Democrats in 
the fall of 1861. This was the speech of Mr. C. C. Cole. 



128 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

He was one who, after the Sumter affair, sided with the 
Government, but had not yet joined the Bepublican party ; 
he confessed to being "politically out in the cold". In 
his speech he of course attacked the anti-Union senti- 
ments of the Mahoneyites; but on the other hand, en- 
dorsed their ticket, while he attacked the Republican 
ticket and party, though not its principles, urging all to 
unite to defeat the ticket and destroy the party. Mr. 
Cole is an example of the hesitating Democrat who, while 
he could not follow his party, yet feared losing political 
caste by deserting it outright. At this meeting, in order 
to unite the opposition factions, an attempt was made to 
inveigle Governor Kirkwood into a partisan contest by 
challenging him to a debate on the political issues. The 
challenge was politely declined, and wisely so ; for the Re- 
publicans could not hazard their latest non-partisan 
claims in a partisan encounter. 350 

The two factions of the Democrats, together with some 
of the Union party adherents, now came close enough to- 
gether, in their determination to defeat the Republicans, 
and especially Governor Kirkwood, to hold a joint meet- 
ing of the two State Central Committees to decide upon a 
course of action. The plan agreed upon involved the 
withdrawal of the nominees of both factions and the mak- 
ing out of a new "joint ticket" by the committees. This 
was done. They made a distinct bid for the war element 
by deciding on a military man for Governor, and so they 
would match Governor Kirkwood with the popular of- 
ficer, Colonel William H. Merritt. For Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor they selected the "Union" candidate, Laurin 
Dewey; while for Justice they agreed upon J. M. Ell- 
wood, who had been placed on both of the previous Demo- 
cratic tickets. The "Union" representatives on the joint 

350 Iowa State Register, September 11, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 129 

committee then wished to have Jairus E. Neal yield his 
nomination for Congress in the First District and all 
unite on John Edwards, but the Mahoney faction balked, 
and carried their point. 351 The Republican element was 
now unrepresented on the new ticket, for Colonel Dewey 
was an old Constitutional Union man and the other two 
were Democrats. 

As to the original candidates for Governor and Judge 
on the Union party ticket, neither Baker nor Noble had 
accepted the nomination; they had simply ignored it, 
disclaiming all responsibility in the matter. Never- 
theless, both now issued rather tardy public declinations. 
General Baker's declination, although issued on Septem- 
ber 4th, was not made public until after the new ticket 
had been made out, 352 while Mr. Noble's refusal was not 
made public until October, and bore no date of issue. 353 
But Mr. Noble had, before this time, given a clear exposi- 
tion of his position, which shows him to have been a con- 
sistent non-partisan advocate. 354 A faction of the 
"Union" party, consisting almost exclusively of Demo- 
crats and former Constitutional Union men, still insisted 
upon playing the game to a finish; and so a remnant of 
the "Central Committee" met to fill the two vacancies 

351 Iowa State Register, September 18, 1861. 

352 Iowa State Register, September 18, 1861. 

353 Iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 

35* Mr. Noble had not been, in favor of a Union party convention and did 
not attend the convention. Besides this, he had written Mr. A. J. Stevens 
to the effect that under no circumstances would he become a candidate. He 
had been urged by Republicans to become a candidate for Governor against 
Kirkwood, but as he himself explained this a few days after the "Union" 
convention: "My answer invariably was, that I am opposed to Eepublican 
nominations". That is, he was opposed to partisanship of all kinds, and 
urged the Union convention in August to name Kirkwood for Governor, a 
Northern Democrat for Lieutenant-Governor, and to support Judge Lowe 
for reelection. — Iowa State Register, September 4, 1861. 

9 



130 TnE POLITICS OF IOWA 

on their ticket. They named Lincoln Clark for Governor 
and Martin D. McHenry for Judge. 355 

But now the Democrats had to secure Colonel Mer- 
ritt 's consent to head the new ticket, and to carry out the 
very delicate business of notifying Judge Mason of his 
shelving and to secure his apparently voluntary declina- 
tion of the nomination for the office of Governor. For 
these tasks special committees were appointed, J. W. 
Griffith being assigned the duty of carrying the news to 
Mason, and Dan 0. Finch and Dr. A. Y. Hull a committee 
to notify Colonel Merritt of his promotion. 

The scheme worked, and two days later Judge Mason 
sent his letter of withdrawal 356 to J. M. Todd, chairman 
of the Democratic State Central Committee. Mr. Todd 
at once issued a circular to the "Democracy of Iowa" 357 
informing them of the new coalition ticket. They were 
informed that both Mason for Governor and Merritt for 
Lieutenant-Governor had declined to accept, and accord- 
ing to the practice the State Committee was empowered 
to fill vacancies. It is true that Mason did, under the 
above described circumstances withdraw, but Merritt had 
not yet accepted. Nevertheless, the Committee an- 
nounced the new ticket with Colonel Merrit for Governor 
and recommended a vigorous, State-wide campaign. 358 

The fusion thus accomplished neither won the support 
nor allayed the fears of the factions. The ills besetting 
the Democracy were laid at the feet of the Mahoney dic- 

355 Iowa State Register, September 18, 1861. 

356 " Burlington, Iowa, Sept. 20, 1861. Dear Sir: — Circumstances have 
induced me to withdraw my name as a candidate for Governor. I now 
notify you of the fact, that you may act accordingly. Yours truly, Chas. 
Mason. To G. M. Todd, Esq., Chairman Central Committee. ' ' — Burlington 
EawTceye, September 21, 1861. 

357 Circular in Iowa State Register, September 25, 1861. 

358 Burlington EawTceye September 21, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 13] 

tatorship. The Davenport Democrat, because of the 
withdrawal of Mason, removed the Democratic ticket 
from its columns and proposed to be bound by nothing 
which the State Central Committee might do. 359 Several 
other papers continued to support the deposed candidate, 
Mr. Mason, 300 while editor Sylvester came out with the 
Democratic ticket in blank. The Todd circular was an- 
swered by L. W. Babbitt of the Council Bluffs Bugle, who 
showed his independence by declaring that "having al- 
ways been a Democrat and never a chattel, we don't feel 
inclined to be sold out to the Abolition party at this 
time". 301 His opposition of course was to Colonel Mer- 
ritt, the soldier candidate. 

At the ante-bellum Democratic center, Iowa City, the 
opposition took organic form. It was the first appear- 
ance of what came to be known as the Byington Democ- 
racy, the negative peace wing of the party. On Thurs- 
day, September 26th, at Iowa City, pursuant to a call 
issued on the 24th by Mr. LeGrand Byington to the Dem- 
ocratic visitors in attendance upon the State Fair, was 
held an "impromptu meeting". This meeting was or- 
ganized with A. T. Groendyke of Washington County for 
chairman, and R. M. Long of Cedar County as secretary. 
A State ticket was named and a platform adopted. Ben 
M. Samuels was named for Governor, Colonel Jesse Wil- 
liams for Lieutenant-Governor, and for Supreme Judge, 
J. M. Ellwood was accepted. 302 An attempt was made by 
Samuel Fairall to substitute the name of Colonel W. H. 
Merritt for that of Samuels, but it was decisively reject- 
ed — elsewise what was the need for this newest party ! 

359 Davenport Democrat, September 22, 1861. 
seo iowa State Register, October 4, 1861. 
36i Quoted in Iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 
362 Iowa State Press, September 27, 1861. 



132 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

The platform consisted of five resolves, which declared 
loyalty to the old Democratic ideals and principles. 
Nothing was said on the issues of the day — local or na- 
tional. 363 

While groups of Democrats were thus hunting for a 
party and making new slates, Thomas H. Benton, Jr., 364 
a War Democrat enlisted in the service, wrote a letter on 
the duty of loyal citizens to the war. This in the form of 
a fifteen-page pamphlet 365 scattered broadcast by the Re- 
publican State Committee, made excellent "campaign 
literature", since the logic of it was the support of the 
Eepublican party on the part of War Democrats and 
"Union" men. This and similar instances had their ef- 
fect on the course of the campaign. 

The "Fusion" movement in fact began to crumble with 
its mere launching. The bickerings and uncertainties of 
all the opposition combinations hurt their cause beyond 
redemption, and when election day came, the result was 
a foregone conclusion. There had been little campaign- 
ing of the old-fashioned kind. The Republicans main- 
tained their partisan policy and successfully expounded 
the doctrine that working with them meant upholding 
the Government and the Union, while working with any 
and all of the opposition combinations meant the break- 
up of the Union, and the realization of the Southern 
Confederacy. 

The election returns showed that Governor Kirkwood 
had carried the State by a plurality of 16,608 and by a 

363 Iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 

364 Mr. Benton was the nephew of United States Senator Thomas H. 
Benton, and for fifteen years had figured prominently in Iowa politics. He 
held the office of State Superintendent of Public Instruction at the out- 
break of the War. 

365 iowa State Register, October 2, 1861. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 133 

majority of 11,534. 366 The relative position of the two 
parties remained about the same as in 1860. The sur- 
prising thing is that the Republican vote was not greater. 
That there was an organized attack on Kirkwood is 
doubtless true; for Mr. Needham's vote was considerably 
larger, while Judge Lowe reached the largest plurality 
ever attained — 20,000, there being 1,835 votes cast for 
McHenry and 496 for Noble. Colonel Merritt's vote was 
swelled by the "Union" party men; but to balance that, 
there were the votes for Samuels, Dean, and Mason, 
which represented the different Democratic groups gath- 
ering about their personal favorites. The Democrats 
carried only twenty counties, though this was somewhat 
shifted in the votes for Judge and for Congressman. 
The Republicans not only won over a number of counties 
from their opponents, but carried six counties unan- 
imously—Harrison, Shelby, Winnebago, Winneshiek, 
Emmett and Crawford, and in four others they secured 
almost all the votes. 

The vote for Congressman was, for Wilson 29,323, and 
for Neal 21,429, while over 1,000 were cast for Edwards, 
besides scattering votes for nine other persons. The Re- 
publican triumph is most marked in the legislative vote. 
Of the twenty senators (there were twenty-six hold-overs 
— fourteen Republicans and twelve Democrats) the 
Democrats secured but two ; while the House stood sixty- 
two Republicans, thirty Democrats, and two Unionists. 
The result of the election on the whole, was to strengthen 
the Republican administration, less, however, by added 
numbers than by a breaking-up of the opposition party. 

see Vote for Governor: Kirkwood, 59,853; Merritt, 43,245; Samuels, 4,492; 
Dean, 463; M]ason, 119.— Election Archives for 1861. 



Chapter VI 
RETURN TO PARTY SOLIDARITY 

THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF 1862 

The election ended the bitter party contest. The 
"Union Movement" for the time being was dead, and 
political campaigning gave place to law-making, the hunt- 
ing down of treason, and the all-absorbing prosecution of 
the war. To be sure, in all these things politics played a 
part, especially in the winter's legislative affairs. 

The Ninth General Assembly convened on January 11, 
1862, and the Republican regime was re-inaugurated. 
Governor Kirkwood in his inaugural address 307 re- 
viewed the sectional strife, placed the responsibility for 
the war, pictured its progress and horrors, gave assur- 
ance that the policy of the National and the State govern- 
ments would be continued, and sounded an unmistakable 
warning that emancipation was coming. In his mes- 
sage 308 to the legislature he dwelt upon the military and 
financial conditions of the State, and recommended re- 
medial legislation, especially in connection with the mili- 
tia, the collection of taxes, currency, and expenditures. 

The legislature was Republican, more than two to one ; 
and although the partisan spirit was tense, one contested 
election in the House was decided in favor of the Demo- 
crats. 309 Moreover, two vacancies in the Senate, one the 
seat of a Democrat, were filled, after much delay and fili- 

367 Senate Journal, 1862, pp. 37-45. 

368 Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, pp. 364-395. 

369 Iowa State Register, February 5, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 135 

blistering on the part of Republicans, by seating the two 
Democrats knocking for admission, notwithstanding an 
adverse decision by Attorney General Nourse. 370 In a 
special election to fill a vacancy in Warren County, the 
Democrats also gained a member, because of the intestine 
strife of two Republican factions. 371 

Again, in nearly all the legislation of the session, party 
divisions were quite marked. Among the many joint res- 
olutions, some of which were political, the most signifi- 
cant one was that of May 29th, "Complimentary to the 
President of the United States". 372 It was an unquali- 
fied endorsement of the National policy and promised 
continued support, and of course was passed by a strict 
party vote. 

The legislation was remedial in character. The draft- 
ing law was amended, 373 and additional assistance was 
provided for the Adjutant General. 374 The popular de- 
mand for the payment of taxes in currency, which Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood also recommended, 375 was met by the 
Bank Note law, 370 and approved February 17th. But the 
almost equally popular demand for an income tax law and 
retrenchment in public expenditures met with defeat. 
The income tax bill failed to pass, while the retrench- 
ment bill was vetoed by the Governor, on the ground that 
it reduced the salaries of judges, which were already too 

370 Senate Journal, 1862, pp. 51, 52. 

371 Said editor Palmer: "Want of unanimity among Republicans is all 
right in National politics, but dangerous in local politics. ' ' — Iowa State 
Register, February 19, 1862. 

372 Laws of Iowa, 1862, p. 247. 

373 Laics of Iowa, 1862, pp. 235, 236. 

374 Laws of Ioiua, 1862, p. 252. 

375 Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, pp. 274, 275. 

376 Laws of Iowa, 1862, pp. 15-17. 



136 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

small. The Governor, however, was generally upheld by 
Republican politicians, 377 and the Democrats were fur- 
nished with an issue for the coming campaign. There 
was some attempt at railroad regulation, but nothing of 
importance was accomplished. The legislation which 
aroused the greatest political interest was, of course, the 
redistricting of the State for Representatives in Con- 
gress and for members of the legislature. 

Iowa had secured her second Congressman after the 
census of 1850, but now by the census of 1860, the popu- 
lation having increased two hundred and fifty per cent, 
the State was entitled to several more Representatives 
in Congress. By an act 378 of Congress March 4, 1862, 
provision was made for a House of two hundred and 
forty-one Representatives, upon a ratio of 127,941, which 
gave to Iowa four additional Representatives, making six 
in all. This act not only strengthened the Republican su- 
premacy in Congress, but fairly intoxicated the Iowa pol- 
iticians on account of the large increase in the number of 
the State's Representatives. The General Assembly at 
once set about properly to re-district the State. The 
Democratic minority pleaded in all fairness for at least 
one or two districts, but the Republicans conceded noth- 
ing ; nor could they be expected to be concessive, since to 
them the cause of the National Government and the in- 
terests of the Republican party were one. 379 

The congressional re-districting bill was introduced on 

3" i owa state Register, April 16, 1862. 

378 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XII, p. 353. 

379 Said the Des Moines correspondent to the Washington [D. C] Press: 
"We cannot sit here and watch the Democrats take the war out of the hands 
of the people, and carry it on for themselves, in order to resuscitate their 
defunct organization, without understanding that they are laboring to re- 
gain the power they have lost more than for any other purpose. ' ' — Quoted 
in the Iowa State Eegister, February 26, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 13J 

March 25th by Representative J. P. Eaton, and passed 
the House on the same day by a vote of fifty-three to 
twenty-two. 380 It was amended in the Senate, 381 but the 
House refusing to concur, it went through the hands of 
two conference committees before an agreement could be 
reached, and finally on the closing day of the session, 
April 8th, passed both houses. 382 The act 383 provided for 
six districts, 384 five full and one fractional. Out of the 
old First District were made districts One, Four (with 
several counties of the old Second) and Five; districts 
Two, Three and Six were carved out of the old Second 
District. The election of 1860 was taken as the political 
cue for the grouping of the counties. An examination of 
this grouping 385 will show the unevenness of the Lincoln 
vote in the new districts, the reason for this being the 
fact that in the counties composing districts Two and 
Three the Republican majorities of 1860 were greatly re- 
duced in 1861 ; in the counties of the Fourth district even, 
where Lincoln's majority had been 1,325, Kirkwood's 
was only 448. 38G The gerrymandering is quite noticeable 
in the boundary lines between districts Three and Six, as 
also between the Fourth and the adjacent districts. 

In the apportionment of the State into Senatorial and 
Representative districts, the gerrymander could of course 
be used only where it was necessary to combine counties 

38o House Journal, 1862, p. 692. 

38i Senate Journal, 1S62, pp. 550, 564, 580, 586. 

382 Senate Journal, 1862, p. 595. 

383 Laws of Iowa, 1862, p. 182. 

384 See maps of the old and the new Congressional Districts in The Iowa 
Journal of History and Politics, Vol. I, pp. 357, 358. 

385 Schedule showing the Bepublican majorities of 1860 in the counties 
composing the new districts: (1) 1501, (2) 3827, (3) 2564, (4) 1325, (5) 
1007, (6) 2263. 

386 In the Muscatine Daily Courier of July 21st, Mr. Thayer analyzed the 
politics involved in the redistricting. 



138 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

m 

to form a district. The Democrats consequently had a 
fair degree of representation; and although they gener- 
ally favored a larger population ratio, yet had such been 
adopted, they must have fared worse than they did, since 
that would have made fewer districts and thus a larger 
working of the gerrymander. 

The Senatorial apportionment act, 387 approved March 
5, 1862, created forty-three districts and provided for 
forty-six Senators, one for each 17,200 inhabitants ; while 
the Representative apportionment act, 3S8 approved April 
8, 1862, established sixty-six districts with eighty-nine 
Representatives, on a basis of one for each 8,500 inhabit- 
ants. By an examination of the map 389 one is struck with 
the paucity of settlement of the northwestern part of the 
State. In only three counties, and these located on the 
eastern border of the State — Lee, Scott and Dubuque — 
was the population of each county sufficient to send more 
than one Senator to the legislature. Seventeen counties 
could send two Representatives each, Warren being the 
farthest west ; two counties were entitled to three each, 
while one county could send four. As will be seen, the 
Republicans made great gains in the election of the next 
General Assembly, but it was due more to political issues 
than to the re-apportionment. 

THE FIRST INDICTMENTS FOR TREASON 

Many Northern States during the war were compelled 
to combat " treason at home". Iowa was no exception. 
The detection of treason and the punishment of traitors 
was, as with the National Government, one of the per- 

387 Laws of Iowa, 1862, p. 118. 

ass Laws of Iowa, 1862, p. 199. 

389 See maps in The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Vol. II, pp. 570, 
572. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 139 

plexities of the State authorities. The Republicans nat- 
urally came to class all forms of opposition as treason 
and all opponents as traitors. Democrats were esteemed 
loyal so long as they were in the military service, or if 
upon their return they joined the Republican party; but 
those opposing the war or the Government's policy in its 
prosecution, were held to be traitors. The terms Demo- 
crat and traitor became synonymous. The State early be- 
gan to ferret out treason within its borders, or to assist 
the General Government in the work. Governor Kirk- 
wood in his message to the extra session of the legislature 
in May, 1861, appealing to the loyalty of the people, 
pressed home the necessity for punishing all forms of 
treasonable aid to those in rebellion. 390 

The first indictment for treason in Iowa was returned 
on Monday, November 25, 1861, against William M. Hill, 
Democratic Clerk of Harrison County. His offence was 
writing a letter (May 14, 1861) to one Wendell, editor of 
the Union Democrat of Monroe County, Virginia, in 
which he not only expressed warm sympathies for the 
Confederacy, but used abusive language against the Fed- 
eral Government. 391 The letter, failing to reach its des- 
tination, came back via the Dead Letter Office, to Mag- 
nolia, Iowa, where Hill's deputy, J. L. DeForest, received 
it and exposed its contents. Mr. Hill was arrested, and 
upon this letter, besides oral testimony, was indicted. C. 
C. Cole and S. V. White were employed for the defence, 
while the prosecution was in the hands of the United 
States District Attorney, W. H. F. Gurley. The case was 
tried on January 7, 1862, a nolle prosequi was entered and 
Hill was discharged. But subsequently the United States 

390 Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, p. 263. 

391 Letter published in the Iowa State Register, November 27, 1861. 



140 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Marshal, H. M. Hoxie, by order of Secretary Seward, 
arrested Hill and started with him for Fort Lafayette. 
The counsel for defence telegraphed persons at Daven- 
port to swear out a writ of habeas corpus; it was clone 
and Mr. Hoxie was detained. But the next morning the 
marshal cut the meshes woven by the shrewd lawyers 
and proceeded with his prisoner. The episode created 
intense excitement. The Republicans chuckled and gen- 
erally applauded the act; the moderate Democrats criti- 
cized the authorities ; while the Confederate sympathizers 
howled with rage. The object of course was to make an 
example of Hill and thus strike terror to all "traitors". 392 
It was not long before another arrest was made in 
Iowa, this time in the person of ex-Senator, and now ex- 
Minister to Bogota, George W. Jones. He was arrested 
on Christmas Day, 1861, and was sent to Fort Lafayette. 
The indictment was based upon a letter written, while in 
South America, to Jefferson Davis, in which he said: "As 
soon as I settle my accounts with the Federal Govern- 
ment, I shall join the Confederate army myself." 393 Mr. 
Jones, however, was not imprisoned long; for by order 
of President Lincoln he was paroled on February 22d, 
the only condition being that, on his honor, he render no 
aid and comfort to the enemy. 394 These arrests, it was 
asserted, effectually checked treason. Some of the Demo- 
cratic leaders, however, were quite bold in expressing 
themselves and defiant toward the Government; while 
many Republicans were anxious for an excuse to arrest 
some such person. Henry Clay Dean was a special ob- 
ject of hatred and suspicion. He went over the State 

39 2 Iowa State Register, January 15, 1862. 

393 Two of Mr. Jones's sons had already joined, as also a son of ex-Gov- 
ernor Hempstead. — Iowa State Register, January 1, 1862. 

304 i owa State Register, January 29, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 141 

making speeches and addressing "conclaves of trai- 
tors", 395 yet the authorities could not catch him in crim- 
inal utterances. 

The so-called "conclaves" were the meetings of the 
lodges of the K. G. C. — Knights of the Golden Circle — a 
secession organization claiming a membership of 10,000 
in the State. It was a secret organization, having a weird 
mystical ritualism with an elaborate ceremony, and was 
governed by a hierarchy equal to the later Ku Klux Klan 
of the South. The members, boastful and even threaten- 
ing, were much feared by the people. Some of the leading 
Democratic politicians were in active cooperation with 
them. The arch-offender in this respect was editor D. A. 
Mahoney, who in order to satisfy the clamor for another 
example, was on August 15th, 1862, arrested for treason- 
able utterances, both through his paper and in conversa- 
tion. 396 Two days later David Sheward of the Fairfield 
Union and Constitution was arrested on the same charge, 
and together with Mahoney was carried off to Washing- 
ton, D. C, and with others of their ilk lodged in the old 
capitol — the traitor's prison. This was during the cam- 
paign, and of course the Eepublicans did not escape the 
accusation of having made political arrests, while Ma- 
honey was regarded as a "martyr to liberty". 397 He was 
confined until after the election in November, when he 
was discharged upon taking the prescribed oath. All 
through the summer and autumn of 1862 the authorities 
were kept busy ferreting out K. G. C. lodges, 398 especially 
on the southern border of the State, where they were in 

395 Iowa State Register, January 29, 1862. 
soe Iowa State Register, August 20, 1862. 

397 Dubuque Herald, August 21; Iowa State Register, August 27, 1862. 

398 Iowa State Register, August 27, 1862. 



142 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

touch with the Missouri lodges. 399 But this was only the 
beginning of the trouble with the K. G. C's. 

Treason became so odious that the least opposition or 
indifference to the Government was branded as such. 
The people of Davis County were even required to defend 
the mere name of their county. 400 They had to explain 
that it was not named for ''Jeff" Davis, President of the 
Confederacy, but for Garrett Davis, the loyal United 
States Senator of Kentucky. Illustrative of the time was 
the action of the legislature in voting to change the name 
of Buncombe County to that of Lyon, in honor of General 
Nathaniel Lyon. 401 

The question of treason came up in the extra session of 
the legislature in September, 1862, and the partisans 
clashed squarely. Some Republicans favored drastic 
laws, such as ineligibility for holding office, 402 and an iron- 
clad oath for all voters, 403 while the Democrats demand- 
ed that all suspects should have a speedy trial, and that a 
military court be established in the State for such pur- 
pose. 404 Nothing came of this agitation, however, the Re- 
publican majority wisely deciding to leave the law as it 
was. 

THE POLITICAL SITUATION 

While Iowa was able to maintain her position of loy- 
alty, it was done at great expense and through constant 
vigilance; and although the Republicans were safely in- 
trenched, yet these conspiracies at home, and the constant 
outpouring of her people to fill the depleted ranks on the 

399 Iowa State Register, September 17, 1862. 

400 Iowa State Register, March 26, 1862. 

4oi Laws of Iowa, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 22. 

402 Mouse Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 17, 18. 

403 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 28, 72. 
404 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 33. 



CIVIL WAE AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 143 

field and to meet the new quotas, taxed even loyal Iowa 
to the point of breaking and endangering the party in 
power. Beyond this, the defeats during the fall and win- 
ter, the increasingly drastic legislation of Congress, and 
the' new phase of the situation, that of emancipation, to- 
gether with the appearance of wandering fugitives from 
the South, created grave political questions. These 
things required that the Republicans should, as they did, 
take precaution and enact such legislation as would en- 
sure their military efficiency, financial security, and po- 
litical supremacy. The Democrats made some telling 
charges against the party 405 and especially attacked Con- 
gress. 406 Besides this, some Republicans feared all along 
what the Democrats came to predict, a reaction within the 
party, 407 but the leaders during the spring and summer 
of 1862 planned against a repetition of the " Union" bolt 
from the party. They followed the same partisan policy 
so triumphantly carried out at the previous fall elections, 
by discrediting Democracy, rewarding the War Demo- 
crats, and substantially recognizing all elements within 

their own party. 

The Democratic problem was similar to that of the Re- 
publicans, in that the leaders feared a further desertion, 
although they got some encouragement from the signs of 
reaction in the Republican party . 40S By accepting the 
war now they might even hope to win back the War Dem- 
ocrats, and make a fight upon the party in power because 
of its drastic legislation in Congress. Then by drawing 
the line on emancipation, they might even hope to win 
over some Republicans. Thus while the party had alien- 

405 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 16, 1862. 

406 Muscatine Daily Courier, July, 14, 1862. 

407 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 9, 1862. 

408 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 9, 1862. 



144 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

ated such men as Adjutant General Baker, M. M. Crocker, 
W. W. Belknap, J. A. Williamson, C. C. Cole, H. C. Rip- 
pey, and Thos. H. Benton, Jr., as well as others less in- 
fluential, the unfaithful ones might by a fortuitous turn 
of events be brought back, since some of them had not 
yet severed political connection with the party. 

But besides these more prominent dissentients the rank 
and file of the party had become dissatisfied, and the 
party solidarity endangered. The party machinery was 
not only in the hands of those whose loyalty was constant- 
ly questioned, 409 but the burden of maintaining an ef- 
ficient organization became too great for the few leaders 
to bear. The party organs suffered reduced patronage. 
Some Democratic papers had suspended since the elec- 
tions of 1860 and 1861. Mr. Babbitt of the Council Bluffs 
Bugle, in May, 1862, declared that unless he received bet- 
ter support for his paper, he would have to write his 
" valedictory". This was regarded by Republicans as a 
good omen; for "there would be no better evidence of 
loyalty than to afford him the opportunity to write his 
valedictory at his earliest possible convenience". 410 

As a matter of fact the Democrats did not win back the 
dissentients — men whom they could least afford to lose 
— but on the contrary, read them out of the party. The 
party was left wholly in the hands of the conservative, 
peace Democrats, who also adopted a strict partisan pol- 
icy. Both parties maintained their solidarity. The hesi- 
tating War Democrats, in spite of the hoped-for efficacy 
of the anti-emancipation program projected by the old 
leaders, were driven into the arms of the waiting Repub- 
licans. 

409 Iowa State Eegister, March 14, 1862. 
no Iowa State Eegister, March 14, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 145 

THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION 

Iowa had a political campaign every year, and this 
year, 1862, the people were to choose a relay of State of- 
ficials, headed by the Secretary of State. As we have 
seen, the rapid movement of affairs in the late winter and 
spring of 1862 made the political forum exceedingly un- 
certain. The shaping of events indicated that the Repub- 
licans would be compelled to defend emancipation as one 
of their principles. The politicians were not inclined to 
press the issue, nor to hurry the State campaign. The 
Democrats, on the other hand, were anxious to make 
emancipation the issue and to force the campaign upon 
the Republicans ; and while they wished the Republicans 
to lead out, they early began to consider the holding of 
their State Convention. Some wished the convention held 
in June, 411 others later, the Davenport Democrat, piously 
patriotic, suggesting Independence Day as the most ap- 
propriate time; 412 but nothing was done until the Re- 
publicans acted. 

On June 11th the Republican State Central Committee 
issued a call 413 for a State Convention to be held on July 
23rd at Des Moines. As in 1861 it was to be a strictly 
partisan convention, but "all loyal citizens regardless of 
former political associations" were urged to join them. 
Two weeks later G. M. Todd, State Chairman, sent out a 
call 414 for the Democratic State Convention to assemble 
at Des Moines on the 17th of July, hoping thus to put the 

■in Iowa State Press, April 7, 1862. 

412 The Iowa State Register of April 9, 1862, thought it appropriate for 
the Democracy, ' ' in the absence of a healthy enthusiasm in the party, to in- 
ject a little Fourth of July pyrotechnics into the State Convention, and thus 
be galvanized into something lively". 

4i3 Iowa State Register, June 11, 1862. 

4i4 Muscatine Daily Courier, June 25, 1862. 

10 



146 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Republicans at a disadvantage by anticipating their ut- 
terances with an anti-emancipation declaration. It is in- 
teresting to note that for the first time the apportionment 
of delegates was to be based upon "the vote cast for 
Stephen A. Douglas in 1860". 

The Democrats assembled with about one hundred dele- 
gates representing fifty counties. Most counties had but 
one delegate each, and many were appointed after the 
fashion of the pocket borough system of old England ; but 
in a few counties the party held "monster mass-meet- 
ings", 415 as at Cedar Rapids, 410 Muscatine, and a few 
other places, which carried the leaders back to earlier 
days and caused them to predict a "rising of the people 
during the summer's campaign". 417 

The old-time leaders were in the saddle, though there 
were some of the active young Democrats in this Conven- 
tion, among them Henry M. Martin of Iowa County, who 
was temporary chairman; while the permanent chairman 
was I. B. Thomas of Buchanan County. With the dis- 
sentients out of the way, the convention was on the whole 
quite harmonious and enthusiastic. At only two points 
was the meeting embarrassed: in making up the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions, 418 and during the speech-making, 
while waiting for the committee's report. 419 

Those who made speeches were T. W. Claggett, W. H. 
Merritt, M. V. B. Bennett, J. C. Turk and C. C. Cole. Mr. 
Turk spoke of the glory of a by-gone Democracy; Mr. 

41 5 Muscatine Daily Courier, June 25, 1862. 

■ii6 Iowa State Register, July 23, 1862. 

4 i7 Muscatine Daily Journal, June 26, 1862. 

418 Committee on Resolutions: A. C. Dodge, Chairman, George Gillaspie, 
Fred Rector, J. M. Ellwood, Charles Negus, Phil. Bradley, N. J. Sayles, 
J. F. Duncombe, D. A. Mahoney. 

•tin Proceedings in Muscatine Daily Courier, July 21, 25, and 28, 1862; also 
in Iowa State Register, July 23, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 147 

Claggett harangued against the Lincoln administration; 
while Colonel Merritt, a veteran of the first enlistments, 
able to speak with authority on the war, declared that he 
was convinced that it was an abolition war, for the free- 
dom of the negro and for the enslavement of the white 
race. It was for Mr. Cole to appeal to his once proud ad- 
mirers and beg that they take no equivocal position in the 
crisis. Those in arms against the Government, he held, 
were alone responsible for the war. As for himself, he 
was a Democrat upon the platform of 1856, a Douglas 
Democrat as distinguished from all Breckinridges. His 
speech was received in absolute silence, except for the ap- 
plause from the Republicans in the audience. 

At the evening session the Convention adopted a plat- 
form and named the ticket, both with signal unanimity. 
General Dodge reported the resolutions, which were simi- 
lar to the Democratic declarations for the past eighteen 
months. The platform, however, was distinctive in two 
particulars : first, the party now accepted the war, and 
second, they denounced emancipation. They would have 
no more war ''than necessary and proper for the prompt 
and complete suppression of the rebellion". The anti- 
emancipation clauses affirmed that the Government was 
"for white men" and pointed to the joint resolution of 
Congress of July 21, 1861, as a vindication of their posi- 
tion that the war was not to become an abolition war. 

The ticket named was : Richard H. Sylvester for Secre- 
tary of State ; Samuel L. Lorah for Treasurer ; Benton J. 
Hall for Attorney General; John Browne for Auditor; 
and Fred Gottschalk for Register. This was an orthodox 
body of men, notwithstanding the fact that previous to the 
Convention the Democratic journals were exceedingly 
generous in naming the many possibilities, including even 
War Democrats, who it was known had already joined the 
Republicans. 



148 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

The partisans generally applauded both the ticket and 
the platform. Editor Thayer thought the platform "one 
upon which every man not already wedded to radicalism 
can stand". 420 The Democrats were even hopeful of win- 
ning over those who could not go the lengths of Repub- 
lican radicalism, and invited such, not to connect them- 
selves with the party, as the Republicans required, but to 
work with it in sustaining the "Constitution and the 
Union", on the ground that "men who think alike must 
act alike". To this end the leaders would let "by-gones 
be by-gones". But Republicans saw in the platform the 
same treason as in earlier ones and warned their parti- 
sans to beware. 421 

THE REPUBLICAN STATE CONVENTION 

The Republicans met at Des Moines on July 23rd, the 
Convention being called to order by Jacob Butler. D. N. 
Cooley was temporary chairman and Joshua Tracy, now 
a full-fledged Republican, was made secretary. There 
were seventy-three counties represented by several hun- 
dred delegates, having in all 640 votes. James T. Lane 
of Davenport was elected permanent chairman, and be- 
sides the regular committees, a special committee on the 
business of the convention was chosen. 422 

In the naming of a ticket the harmony of the Demo- 
crats was caught by the Republicans. C. C. Nourse for 
Attorney General and J. W. Cattell for Auditor were 
nominated by acclamation, the former for his third term 
and the latter for his second. There was some "friendly 
rivalry ' ' in filling the other places — Secretary of State, 

420 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 21, 1862. 

421 Said Mr. Palmer: " Jesuitically insidious as is the phraseology of 
these resolutions, they are little short of treasonable ' '. — Iowa State Register, 
July 23, 1862. 

422 Proceedings in Ioiva State Begister, July 30, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND BECONSTEUCTION PEEIOD 149 

Treasurer, and Register. These were filled respectively 
by Dr. James Wright, William H. Holmes, and A. L. Har- 
vey. Mr. Holmes had served in the legislature, and in the 
recent session had won recognition as chairman of the 
Committee on Ways and Means, while the other two men 
were comparatively unknown; Dr. Wright represented 
the north-eastern part of the State and Mr. Harvey the 
south-western. 

The evening session was one of intense enthusiasm, and 
Sherman Hall was crowded to hear the speeches. Such 
well-known leaders as Grinnell, Nourse, and the old 
wheel-horse, Jacob Butler, addressed the Convention, as 
did also the newer men, Dr. Wright, E. H. Stiles, and C. 
W. Kitridge; but the interest centered in the maiden 
speeches of the converts to Republicanism — Dilly of 
Warren County, Joshua Tracy of Des Moines County, 
and Thomas H. Benton, Jr. Editor Palmer regarded it as 
a ''hopeful sign to see loyal men coming out of the ranks 
of a party accursed with 'ifs', 'buts' and 'treason' ". 

The platform, 423 reported by Frauk W. Palmer of the 
Committee on Resolutions, was in substance a duplicate 
of the one of 1861, there being no indication of compro- 
mising issues or party. In the resolutions the Repub- 
licans reviewed the events of the year, restated their spe- 
cific aims and pleaded as never before for the support of 
the War Democrats. These were asked to aid in "the 
struggle of Democratic Republicanism against treason- 
ous aristocracy, North and South" — a rather unusual 
juggling of words. They were fulsome in their welcome 
extended to the former Democrats sitting in the Conven- 
tion, and invited others to join, commending to them the 
"patriotic words of the lamented Douglas", namely: 
"There are only two sides to this question. Every man 

423 Fairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, pp. 62-64. 



150 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

must be for the United States or against it. There can be 
no neutrality in this war — only patriots and traitors." 
As to the one new issue, that of emancipation, they de- 
clared "if, as a last measure for the preservation of the 
republic, it shall become necessary to blot the institution 
of slavery from the soil of every State, we will say Amen, 
letting the consequences fall upon the wicked authors of 
the war and leaving the final issues with God". Of course 
the emphasis was on the preservation of the Union, but 
the Convention had now spoken on the question of eman- 
cipation and it remained to be seen how the people would 
regard the declaration, and what its effect would be upon 
Eepublican success. 

THE CONGRESSIONAL NOMINATIONS 

In the congressional contest of 1862 it was a struggle 
for the control of the newly formed districts. The Demo- 
crats were sworn to deprive the Republicans of at least 
a portion of the fruits of their little game of gerryman- 
dering in the formation of the districts; while the Re- 
publicans were determined to play the game through. 
The conventions were held by both parties soon after the 
State Conventions, the Republicans again leading off. 

According to the action taken by the Republican Con- 
vention of the old First District at Oskaloosa on June 20, 
1860, the duty of calling congressional conventions in the 
new districts to be formed was put in the hands of the 
county central committees within each district. The first 
step was taken in the Fifth District. J. B. Steward, 
chairman of the Polk County committee, issued a letter 424 
on May 3rd to the chairmen of the Republican county cen- 
tral committees of the district. The time and place were 
to be decided upon by them in their responses to Mr. 

424 Iowa State Register, May 7, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 151 

Steward. A month later the formal call 425 was issued, 
being signed by eight county chairmen — all that re- 
sponded. 

It was decided to hold the convention at Winterset on 
July 22nd. The other Republican conventions were also 
soon called. Three of them were held on August 6th : the 
First District Convention at Mt. Pleasant; 420 that of the 
Third at West Union ; 427 and the Fourth at Montezuma. 428 
The convention of the Sixth District was held at Webster 
City 429 on August 7th, and that of the Second on August 
13th at DeWitt. 430 

The Democratic conventions were held later in August, 
the calls all having been issued after the State Conven- 
tion. In the conventions of both parties there was con- 
siderable rivalry for nominations. The Democratic con- 
tests for the nominations were sharp in two conventions, 
the Second and Third. 

In the First District 431 the Republicans re-nominated, 
without a rival, James F. Wilson. Against him the Demo- 
crats pitted Joseph K. Hornish, who had been in the camp 
of the short-lived Union party. The Republicans of the 
Second District named their foremost financier and the 
right-hand supporter of Governor Kirkwood, Hiram 
Price. This district was one which the Democrats had 
vowed to capture, and so the rivalry among the Demo- 
crats was keen. 432 It took five ballots to nominate, and 
Edward H. Thayer won over four competitors, one of 

425 Iowa State Register, June 18, 1862. 
42 8 Burlington KawTceye, July 24, 1862. 

427 Charles City Intelligencer, June 19, 1862. 

428 Iowa City Republican, July 9, 1862. 

429 Fort Dodge Republican, July 9, 1862. 

430 Muscatine Journal, July 15, 1862. 
43i Burlington Hawkeye, August 7, 1862. 

432 Muscatine Daily Courier, August 26, 1862. 



152 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

them being I. M. Preston, who had presided over the 
Union party convention in August, 1861. Editor Thayer, 
a Democrat of the old school, enjoyed the fullest confi- 
dence of his political opponents, even during the most 
critical time of the war. 433 In the Third District William 

B. Allison and Dennis A. Mahoney were the nominees. 
Both were citizens of Dubuque, Allison already a recog- 
nized legislator and campaigner, 434 while Mahoney, who 
was nominated on the third ballot, 435 was one of the most 
famous anti-war Democrats in the Mississippi Valley, and 
at the time was under indictment for treason. That may 
have induced the nomination, but it was politically a bad 
thing for the party. The convention practically broke up 
over the issue, Major Coyle, followed by others, forswear- 
ing all affinity with the party. The Republicans claimed 
that Mahoney 's nomination was made in defiance of the 
Government. 436 In the Fourth District the popular 
preacher-farmer, Josiah B. Grinnell, 437 and the brilliant 
young Democratic attorney, Henry M. Martin, were the 
opposing nominees. The greatest rivalry among the Re- 
publicans for the nomination was seen in the Fifth Dis- 
trict, the race being close between John A. Kasson, 
Thomas H. Benton, Jr., and M. L. McPherson. Kasson 
was named 438 on the fifth ballot with a majority of one. 439 

433 Annals of Iowa, (3rd Series), Vol. VI, pp. 637, 638. 
+3* Iowa State Register, August 13, 1862. 

435 Iowa State Register, August 27, 1862. 

436 i owa state Register, August 27, 1862. 

437 iowa state Register, August 13, 1862. 

438 Mr. Kasson 's nomination, according to the now venerable Judge C. 

C. Cole, was "quite a surprise". He says: "Thomas H. Benton, then of 
Council Bluffs, was by the many people expected to be the nominee, but 
Mr. Kasson 's service to the government and the prominence given to him 
thereby, and the possibilities coming through the appointment of post- 
masters, which belonged to his department, contributed doubtless to his suc- 
cess in the convention. ' ' — Judge Cole in eulogy of John A. Kasson, in The 
Register and Leader, April 9, 1911. 

439/owo State Register, July 23, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 153 

His fellow-townsman, Dan 0. Finch, was his Democratic 
opponent. In the Sixth District the Republicans named 
Asahel W. Hubbard, who had for his competitor the well- 
known senator, John F. Duncombe. 

THE ISSUES OF THE CANVASS : THE ELECTION 

The campaign was characterized by several new and 
unusual features. Simultaneous with the conventional 
"rally", were the congressional joint-debates, the war 
mass-meetings, the consequent agitation for the soldier 
vote and the extra session of the legislature, the endeavor 
on the part of certain religious sects to secure exemption 
from military service, the prominence of the emancipa- 
tion issue, and the final repudiation of their old party by 
the War Democrats. 

War meetings were held during the summer months in 
nearly every county of the State. These were for the pur- 
pose of enrolling volunteers and were, of course, non-par- 
tisan in character. They, however, too often became oc- 
casions for political harangues, a thing in which both 
parties sinned. One such meeting at Des Moines on 
August 4th, was captured by the Democrats and turned 
into an anti-war meeting. 440 Martin D. McHenry pre- 
sided and appointed a "Committee on Resolutions", 
which brought in a report entirely out of sympathy with 
the purpose of the- meeting. Speeches were made by such 
uncertain "Union" men as Dr. A. Y. Hull, J. C. Turk, 
and J. M. Ellwood. The Republicans became disgusted, 
and growling out epithets left the meeting. 

The joint-debates by the congressional candidates re- 
sulted from a challenge by the Republicans, but they were 
carried out fully in only one district, the Fifth. Accord- 
ing to the Republicans, the scheme generally fell through 

4io ioica State Register, August 6, 1862. 



154 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

because the Democrats "backed out"; according to the 
Democrats, it was because the Republicans were "unfair 
and abusive". The Kasson-Finch discussions of the 
Fifth District were apparently so successful and satis- 
factory to both sides, that upon the completion of the first 
schedule, commencing at Adel on September 1st and clos- 
ing on the 13th at Des Moines, a second series was con- 
ducted, ending on October 4th at Chariton. Mr. Finch, 
upholding the Democratic program of opposition to all 
that the Republicans had done, made his special attack 
on the emancipation policy, 441 just promulgated. Mr. 
Kasson, because of his public experience and close con- 
nection with the Government, whose course he ably de- 
fended, attracted hearers, and he used his prestige to the 
greatest advantage. The Grinnell-Martin debate opened 
auspiciously at Newton, on the 12th of September, but 
was soon discontinued. At this first debate, many Demo- 
crats were reported to have declared that they had voted 
the old party ticket for the last time. In fact, Mr. Martin 
himself was accused of contemplating desertion. 442 Both 
parties were doubtless correct in their explanations for 
the cause of the failure of the debates. 

The stress of the campaign came late, although there 
were occasional addresses and rallies all through the sum- 
mer. Early in June, Edward Everett delivered an ad- 
dress at Dubuque, on the "Origin and Character of the 
War", in which he took the ground that secession was 
premeditated. While he made no profound impression 
on Iowa, yet he was well received and his utterances en- 
dorsed. 443 

*« Iowa State Begister, October 15, 1862. 
4±-Iowa State Begister, October 8, 1862. 

44 3 Copied by the Iowa State Begister, June 25, 1862, from the Dubuque 

News. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 155 

For campaigners as such, both parties depended npon 
home talent. The chief speakers at the rallies were the 
candidates for office. The Republicans made large use of 
Henry O'Connor, who was home from the war on a fur- 
lough. He was indispensable in both the war meetings 
and the political rallies. The situation at home demanded 
especially the services of Iowa 's strongest man and great- 
est statesman, Senator Grimes. He was in the field from 
September 20th to October 10th, beginning at McGregor 
and going down through the eastern half of the State to 
Oenterville. 444 He was pleased with his success, espe- 
cially in winning the support of the Quakers, many of 
whom hitherto had held aloof. 445 

But while these old-time Republican speakers were as 
effective as usual, it was the War Democrats who prob- 
ably played the most important part in the campaign. In 
the final and public repudiation of their old party, the 
War Democrats certainly exercised a far-reaching in- 
fluence. They had been slow in forming new party con- 
nections ; but finally, as they had all along accepted the 
war, they came also to accept the party that was prose- 
cuting it. 

To the Republicans, one of the most valued conversions 
was that of C. C. Cole. He had long been on probation, 
and it was no fault of theirs that he had not long ago been 
received into full fellowship. The first important service 
which Mr. Cole rendered was in addressing war meetings. 
It was at such a meeting at Adel, on August 14th, that he 
laid down the articles of his faith. 440 Pointing out the 
duty of all citizens toward the war, he declared that "the 

444 i owa state Register, September 24, 1862. 

445 Salter's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 216. 

44 <s Correspondence of Mr. P. T. Russell to the Iowa State Register, August 
20, 1862. 



156 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

mass of the Democratic party is true", 447 and told the 
Democrats that they had no cause for complaint against 
the National Administration, since many appointments 
had been made regardless of party. It was therefore the 
duty of Democrats to sustain the Administration, whose 
policy and leaders he praised. This address was consid- 
ered "the speech of the season" and it added recruits for 
the ranks of both the army and the Republican party. 

Another definite commitment to the Republican party 
was that of J. A. Williamson, who in a letter of October 
2nd, stated that he had kept the Democratic creed until 
then. 448 He left the party because it was "no longer a 
synonym for patriotism and loyalty ' '. Again, George C. 
Tichenor, who had been Secretary of the Democratic 
State Central Committee, and was now also in the army, 
forsook Democracy. In a letter of October 1st he pro- 
posed to aid in the fight against the arrogant Democrats 
at home by "striking at their confederates in Dixie". 449 

Among other powerful additions to the cause of Re- 
publicanism were Adjutant General Baker, Lieutenant 
James Baker, and Captain H. H. Heath. These men, with 
Governor Kirkwood, were the speakers at a great meeting 
in Davenport on October 7th, and of course Metropolitan 
Hall was crowded to hear the converts make their public 
professions. 450 Captain Heath's change of heart was 
something quite out of the ordinary ; for it will be recalled 
that he had been a leader in the organization of the 
Breckinridge party of I860, 451 having been the editor of 
the party's organ in Iowa, The North West. 

447 He cited such national characters as: Stanton, Holt, Ben Butler, 
Governor Sprague, Douglas, Hunter, and Wright, 
us lowa State Register, October 22, 1862. 

449 Iowa State Register, October 8, 1862. 

450 Davenport Gazette, October 8, 1862. 
45i See above, p. 24, note 43. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 157 

In this campaign, while there was no Union party or- 
ganization as in '61, the term " Union" was occasionally 
used, and it was claimed by both parties, the Eepublicans 
not yet gaining sole possession of it. The Democrats 
adopting the motto, "The Union as it was, and the Con- 
stitution as it is", pleaded for the restoration of the 
Union, which they still accused the Eepublicans of sun- 
dering. 452 The Eepublicans spoke of their own party as 
being the "true party of the Union", 453 and they gener- 
ally used the term "Union" in this sense; although in 
connection with the returns of the soldiers' vote, they 
spoke of the vote for the "Eepublican Union" 454 ticket. 
Again, at the time of the election, the Eepublicans of 
Iowa spoke of the triumph of the "Union ticket" in Illi- 
nois, New York, Ohio, and other States, but referred to 
their own State election as a "Eepublican victory". 455 

The use of these particular forms of the term during 
the lull of the Union party movement, is significant, in 
view of the course pursued by the Iowa Eepublicans from 
1863 to 1864, as well as for several subsequent years. 

THE INAUGURATION OF THE SOLDIER VOTE 

The response of Iowa to the proclamation of President 
Lincoln for 300,000 more volunteers, followed by Gov- 
ernor Kirkwood's special proclamation 450 of August 
17th, urging the speedy filling of the State's quota, raised 
another grave question, that of endangering both the Ee- 
publican administration of the State and the seats in 
Congress. These fears were based upon the supposition 

452 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 4, 1862. 

453 iowa State Register, August 13, 1862. 

454 iowa State Register, October 22, 1862. 

455 Iowa State Register, November 6, 1862. 

456 Shambaugh 's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa, 
Vol. II, p. 315. 



158 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

that among the volunteers Eepublicans were proportion- 
ately more numerous than Democrats. The Democratic 
minorities at home might thus be changed to majorities, 
and the election to office of any but Republicans would be 
a. repudiation of Iowa's loyalty to the cause of the Na- 
tional Administration. Therefore, early in the campaign 
Republican leaders began to inquire about the legality of 
volunteers voting in the field ; for it would be next to im- 
possible for them to return on furloughs to cast their bal- 
lots. Why might they not exercise their franchise wher- 
ever stationed? 

The question was both a constitutional and political 
one. In order for the soldiers to vote the legislature 
would have to be convened, and the election law of the 
State amended. This the Democracy would oppose, since 
they could expect no political advantage. But Iowa's 
soldiers, rallying to the calls of the President and the 
Governor, should not be disfranchised. Illinois had just 
passed a Soldiers' Vote Law, and why not Iowa? 

The interest of the party leaders was quickened, for 
they saw that this would guarantee the party's control 
of the State, and at the same time insure an early filling 
of their quota, since it would encourage enlistments. The 
leaders held conferences with the Governor, who also re- 
ceived letters of inquiry and voluntary advice; and be- 
sides, during the month of August the Governor received 
applications from nearly all the most populous counties 
of the State, for an extra session of the legislature. 457 
Kirkwood finally accepted the issue and called the Ninth 
General Assembly to convene in extra session on Sep- 
tember 3rd. 

Coupled with the demand for a soldiers ' vote law, was 
the need for an immediate acceptance by the State of the 

457 Iowa State Register, August 20, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 159 

Congressional land grant for the support of colleges of 
agriculture and the mechanic arts, which, it was felt, 
should not be delayed until the meeting of the next Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1864. When the legislature assembled 
at the appointed time, the Governor, in his message, em- 
phasized these two things, besides recommending several 
minor measures in connection with military affairs. 458 

The session lasted nine days, and made a record of 
"less talking and more work" than had ever been known 
in the same length of time. 459 There was a good attend- 
ance of the law-makers, notwithstanding the busy season 
and the enlistments going on, even among the members 
of the legislature. There were absent twelve out of the 
forty-six Senators, 400 and twenty-one out of the ninety- 
four Representatives. 461 Party politics was prominent 
throughout. Repeated attempts were made by the minor- 
ity to block the aggressive program of the majority. In 
all there were thirty-nine acts and three resolutions 
passed. 

The question of the soldier vote was brought up in the 
House by a Democrat, Racine D. Kellogg of Decatur 
County, who offered a resolution requiring the Committee 
on Elections to bring in a bill amending the law so as to 
permit soldiers in the field to vote. 402 At once James T. 
Lane introduced the Soldiers ' Vote bill, making it amend- 
atory of Title 4 of the Revision of I860** 3 The next day 
a Democratic Representative, Christian Denlinger of 
Dubuque, introduced a resolution calling for an opinion 

4 58 Senate Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 5. 

459 Iowa State Register, September 12, 1862. 
*so Senate Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 3. 
4ci House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 3. 

462 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 17. 

463 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 18, 25. 



160 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

from the Attorney General on the constitutionality of 
soldiers voting for State officers while beyond the limits 
of the district or State. 404 This was adopted and the next 
day, September 5th, Attorney General Nourse delivered 
his opinion. 405 It was based upon Article II, Section 1 of 
the Constitution of the State, which guaranteed the suf- 
frage to every white male citizen twenty-one years old, 
prescribing the residence "in which he claims his vote". 
This last phrase, Mr. Nourse held was not intended to fix 
the place, but rather to prescribe the qualification of elec- 
tors; consequently, absence in military service did not 
change the residence. Furthermore, voters were not re- 
quired to be at home all of the sixty days stipulated ; and 
the Constitution did not contemplate preventing anyone 
from voting. This opinion was, of course, in harmony 
with the popular demand for the law, and was in fact a 
foregone conclusion. 

On September 8th the committee reported Lane's bill 
with amendments, 460 and after further amendment, 407 it 
passed by a unanimous vote. 40S In the Senate further 
amendments were added 469 which the House accepted; 470 
and although the Democratic Senators attacked certain 
political features of the bill, the final vote was thirty- 
seven to one for it. Only one Democrat, Harvey W. 
English, voted against the measure, while there were 
seven 471 Democrats who voted for it. On the last day of 
the session the measure was signed by Governor Kirk- 
wood, and it immediately went into effect. 

464 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 19. 

465 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 25, 26. 

■i^ House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 56-59. 

407 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 61, 62. 

408 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 78. 

469 Senate Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 44-46. 

470 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 80. 

47i These were: Duncombe, Green, Gray, Neal, Trumbull, Hesser, Jennings. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD \Q\ 

The act 472 provided that every white male citizen 
twenty-one years of age or over, after six months resi- 
dence in the State and in the county sixty days ' ' preced- 
ing entering on military service" could vote, "whether 
at the time of voting he shall be within the limits of the 
State or not", and the votes so cast should be accredited 
to the county where the electors would be entitled to vote. 
The elections, conducted by three officers as judges, were 
to be held on the same day as in the State. The polls 
were to be established in regiments, battalions, batteries 
and companies, or in any detachments of the same, and 
they were to be open from 9 A. M. to 12 M., or even to 6 
P. M., or yet longer if necessary. Commissioners were 
to be appointed for each polling precinct, and were to 
make the returns to the Secretary of State. These com- 
missioners were to assemble on September 20th at Daven- 
port to ballot for their respective places. 

There were thirty-nine regiments of infantry, the First 
and Third being out of the service, six of cavalry, and 
three batteries, besides several detachments, thus requir- 
ing in all fifty-two commissioners to take the vote. The 
commissioners were chosen from all parts of the State 
and from every condition and vocation in life ; but so far 
as can be learned no Democrats were appointed. This 
was one of the issues during the framing of the law, the 
Democrats demanding the appointment of commissioners 
"without respect to party", but the Republicans refused 
to concede even that much. 473 At this day one can not see 
how a Democrat, such as would have been considered, 
could possibly have endangered the vote in the least ; but 
the Republicans of that time were suspicious of any pub- 
lic duty which a Democrat might perform. The list of 

412 Laws of Iowa, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 28-37. 
•"3 House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 58. 

11 



162 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

commissioners included several politicians and smacked 
somewhat of patronage. Among the well-known men 
were: D. P. Stubbs, Stewart G-oodrell, William H. Seev- 
ers, John Van Valkenburg, Robert B. Rutledge, Edmond 
Jeager, John E. Davis of Davenport, J. T. Turner of 
Iowa City, and the Mexican War veteran, Isaac W. Grif- 
fith of Des Moines. Several newspaper men were also ap- 
pointed, among them F. M. Mills, C. F. Clarkson, E. W. 
Chapin, and A. K. Bailey. 

While the assurance of the privilege of voting may have 
aided the enlistments, yet there is little doubt but that the 
soldiers were less exercised over the franchise than were 
the people at home. 474 Some officers feared the conse- 
quences of soldiers on the field exercising a civil function, 
especially if electioneering were encouraged or permitted. 
On this point Colonel J. A. Williamson, of the Fourth 
Iowa, said: "If I were not fully convinced that election- 
eering and voting in the army are to some extent preju- 
dicial to good order and discipline, I should not hesitate 
to exert myself in behalf of the measures which I think 
right". 475 There was less political corruption among the 
regiments in this first election, however, than in subse- 
quent elections. 

As to the effect of the soldiers' vote on the result of 
the election, it must be said that it was largely negative 
or passive. The Democratic press generally had sup- 
ported the measure, but after the election claimed that 
dishonesty in the conduct of the elections was practiced. 
The Burlington Argus, for instance, complained that the 
soldier vote operated to defeat the Democratic candidate 

474 Opinion of Colonel J. A. Williamson, in a letter of October 2, 1862. — 
Iowa State Register, October 22, 1862. 

475 Opinion of Colonel J. A. Williamson, in a letter of October 2, 1862. — 
Iowa State Register, October 22, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 163 

for Congress, J. K. Hornish, who otherwise would have 
defeated Wilson by one hundred votes. But the Demo- 
cratic claim that a large proportion of the volunteers 
were Democrats was denied by the Republicans, who held 
that in addition to the preponderance of Republican sol- 
diers, the Democrats who enlisted were led by their pa- 
triotic instincts to act now with the Government. 476 

The soldier vote, compared to the large number of vol- 
unteers — more than 50,000 — was small, but this was 
due chiefly to the large proportion of volunteers who were 
under age. The total vote was 23,104, of which 18,989 
were Republican and 4,115 Democratic, being more than 
four to one for the former ticket. The vote of course 
differed in different regiments, and in some instances the 
Democratic vote equalled that of the Republicans. 477 We 
shall see, in connection with the full election returns, the 
real meaning of the soldier vote. 

THE ATTITUDE OF IOWA TOWARD EMANCIPATION IN 1862 

The preliminary emancipation proclamation issued by 
Lincoln on September 23rd, 1862, was the culmination of 
his perplexity over the disposition of the slavery ques- 
tion thus far during the war. On no question was he 
more sorely tried. Slaves in army and camp, fugitives, 
emancipation by compensation, saving the border States, 
were among his problems. There was much criticism of, 
and opposition to, the Government's policy toward fugi- 
tives, 478 as well as to emancipation by purchase and all 
the acts tending to contravene the purpose of the famous 

4 76 Iowa State Register, November 14, 1862. 

4 " 7 The fortieth Regiment gave Wright 295 to Sylvester 284, and tied in 
the vote for Auditor; the Seventh Regiment gave 208 to 5, and 210 to 4, 
respectively; in the Thirty-seventh the vote was 13 to 0; in the Twenty-first 
the vote was 486 to 25; the Fifteenth gave 209 to 115 for Secretary of State, 
and 210 to 114 for Auditor. 

478 Rhodes' History of the United States, Vol. Ill, pp. 467, 468. 



Ig4 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

war resolution 479 of Congress July 21, 1861. The new 
policy of military emancipation was a delicate question to 
introduce in 1862 in the congressional campaign, notwith- 
standing the pledge of its withdrawal if the rebellious 
States should return to their allegiance. The fact that 
the proclamation was a military document did not pre- 
vent its becoming at once a political document. 

Lincoln, as also the party which upheld him, was at 
once attacked as playing the role of a despot, and during 
the campaign in a number of Northern States the Repub- 
licans met disaster. While it is true that the proclama- 
tion "dampened the enthusiasm of the Northern masses 
for the war", 480 and resulted in the overthrow of the 
dominant party in several States — New York, New Jer- 
sey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wiscon- 
sin; 481 yet such was notably not the case in Iowa, nor in 
two other Western States, 4S2 nor in New England. 

In Iowa emancipation was an issue, and a favorite one. 
As we have seen, both parties had already expressed 
themselves on the question. Even before the party con- 
ventions acted, the Governor, the press, and party lead- 
ers had come out either for or against the idea. In his in- 
augural address before the legislature on January 13th, 
1862, Governor Kirkwood expressed himself as to the 
purpose of the war as follows : ' ' The war is waged by our 
Government for the preservation of the Union, and not 
for the extinction of slavery, unless the preservation of 
the Union shall require the extinction of the other". 483 
His moderation is shown in his declaration that he would 
not spend further treasure or life for the extinction of 

479 Congressional Globe, Extra Session, 36th Congress, pp. 222, 265. 

480 Dunning 's Essays on the Civil War and Beconstruction, p. 40. 
48i Khodes ' History of the United States, Vol. IV, p. 163. 

482 Michigan and California. 

483 Senate Journal, 1862, p. 42. 



CIVIL WAE AND BECONSTEUCTION PERIOD 165 

slavery, although he might regret that slavery had not 
also been extinguished if the war should close without it ; 
for it would be a "further bane and pest". Then he sig- 
nificantly added, and in this he was in advance of Lincoln 
himself : ' ' If I had the power on tomorrow to end this ter- 
rible strife and preserve the Union by the extinction of 
slavery, while to preserve both would require a month's, 
or a week's, or a day's, or an hour's further war, the 
spending of an additional dollar or the loss of a single 
additional life : so surely as the Lord lives, the war would 
end tomorrow". 

These utterances were effective in preparing people 
for Lincoln's proclamation, and as noted above in even 
anticipating the issue and causing Iowa really to lead in 
the demand for emancipation. 

The legislature took no special action on the question, 
but the Iowa Senators and Kepresentatives at Washing- 
ton were foremost in the various preliminary emancipa- 
tion acts in Congress, 484 and the people at home applaud- 
ed their action. "The Senators", said an Iowa corre- 
spondent to the Washington [D. C] Globe, "are the very 
antipodes of the ciphers we have had there [in Congress] 
for many years. . . . After nearly a quarter of a 
century of subserviency to the lords of the land, Iowa 
stands proudly erect in the councils of the nation, as well 
as on the field of battle". 485 

Expressions on the question were given by various 
bodies. For instance, on April 24th the Presbyterians of 
the State, in their annual conference at Independence, 
adopted a resolution to support the Government in the 

484 Congressional Globe, 2d Session, 37th Congress, pp. 1526, 1629, 1643, 
1648-49. 

485 Iowa State Register, May 14, 1862. 



J 



166 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

abolition of slavery. 486 During the months of June and 
July some of the Eepublican county conventions endorsed 
the action of Congress in calling for 300,000 additional 
volunteers and in arming the negroes. These resolutions 
were turned to peculiar use by the Democrats, which 
shows how they were planning to make capital out of the 
developing emancipation policy of the party in power. 
They declared that ' ' party conventions have no right, by 
word or deed, to obstruct and prevent enlistments". 487 
Some Democrats claimed to be emancipationists and held 
that the only difference between Republicans and Demo- 
crats was in the manner of emancipation ; that the former, 
already called Radicals, were ignoring the constitutional 
right of the people of a State in forcing emancipation up- 
on the States. They also made much of their claim that 
the war was prosecuted for the very purpose of freeing 
the slaves. 488 

By the time that the extra session of the legislature 
opened, emancipation had come to be regarded as "the 
question of the hour", and the agitation for universal 
emancipation became popular. 4 " 9 Many people believed 
that the legislature should and would take some action 
looking toward emancipation. Should this body "fresh 
from the people" pass a resolution favoring universal 
liberty, and going out from the capital of the State, it 
would "nerve the hands" of President Lincoln. 490 Iowa 
looked upon the President as a trifle too timid, and upon 
herself as a leader in this new cause. But there were men 
in the Republican ranks who counselled going slowly, still 

486 Dubuque Times, April 25, 1862. 

487 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 15, 1862. 

488 Muscatine Daily Courier, July 4, 1862. 

48o Burlington letter to the Iowa State Register, September 3, 1862. 
490 Burlington letter to the Iowa State Register, September 3, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 167 

sharing the former views of Lincoln that radical action 
would alienate the border States and drive them from the 
Union. 491 

Meanwhile what did the legislature, "fresh from the 
people", do? Did the law-makers carry out the county 
and State resolves ? They did not. No action was taken 
which would commit the legislature to any policy on 
emancipation. This of course was before the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation was issued. The Democrats, on the 
other hand, seeing that the Republicans were not inclined 
to push their issue, determined to secure opposite action. 
Already fugitives were entering the State, and petitions 
from seven or eight counties, as also from several indi- 
viduals, were sent to the legislature, asking for a law to 
prevent negroes and mulattoes from entering the State, 492 
on the grounds of competition with white labor. In the 
Senate such petitions were referred to various commit- 
tees, 493 while in the House, on motion, the petitions were 
sent to a special committee of three, to which committee 
Rush Clark, the Speaker, appointed three Democrats — 
Christian Denlinger, George Schramm, and Harvey Dun- 
lavy. 494 This committee soon reported a resolution, 495 

49i Ioiva State Register, September 10, 1862. (Long letter from a 
' ' staunch Union man ' '. ) 

*92 Senate Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), pp. 19, 38, 47; House Journal, 
1862 (Extra Session), pp. 11, 20, 29, 59, 71, 92, 95. 

4!) 3 Committee on Federal Relations, Committee on Military Affairs, and 
Committee on Charitable Institutions. 

*9* House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 11. 

405 The Resolution reads: "The Committee believes that the people of this 
State entertain the same opinions on this subject that have been exhibited 
lately by the people of Illinois; and that in view of the rapid influx into 
the State, self protection renders it absolutely necessary that some step should 
be immediately taken to protect, the laboring classes of our citizens against 
the competition of negro labor — to prevent our alms-houses and prisons 
from being crowded with this class of people, and becoming a tax and 
burden upon the already over-taxed population of the State". — House 
Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 76. 



168 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

and followed it with a bill, which on motion of H. C. 
Loomis, of Cedar County, a Eepublican, was rejected by a 
vote of fifty-eight to nineteen. 496 This vote, with the ex- 
ception of six Democrats voting with the majority, was a 
strict partisan vote, and it was another instance of united 
Republicanism against divided Democracy. 

The passive attitude of the legislature was rather the 
result of policy, coupled with an uncertainty as to the ef- 
fect of an aggressive course. There can be little doubt 
that a majority of the legislators were favorable to eman- 
cipation. True there was some falling-off of enlistments 
during the late summer, but upon the appearance of the 
President's proclamation, and as the campaign warmed, 
the people rallied and even led the leaders. When Sen- 
ator Grimes toured the State, he found the people de- 
manding a ' ' radical emancipation program ' ', and ' l ahead 
of the politicians in sentiment ' '. Said he : " We took the 
bull by the horns and made the proclamation an issue". 497 

Mr. Palmer called the Emancipation Proclamation, 
"The Great Event of the War", 498 thinking it better than 
fifty victories in the field. To this radical editor, the 
proclamation was preferable to the annihilation of the 
Confederate army; for, with the latter, "Conservatives 
and Commercial Cormorants would have clamored for a 
patched-up Peace, in which Slavery would have been left 
with its old guarantees to plot new insurrections. With 
the former we have a guarantee of perpetual Peace in the 
annihilation of the cause of the War ' \ A sentiment simi- 
lar to this, though significantly prophetic of the radical- 
ism of the Reconstruction period, came from a commander 

4!>o House Journal, 1862 (Extra Session), p. 77. 

497 Letter of Grimes to Secretary Chase — Salter's Life of James W. 
Grimes, p. 218. 

498 Iowa State Register, October 1, 1862. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 169 

in the field, and a former War Democrat, Colonel J. A. 
Williamson. In an open letter of October 2d to the Iowa 
State Register he gloried in "the throwing overboard the 
ballast of four million slaves", and declared that "all the 
legislation in regard to Slavery which ought to be done, 
is now finished — the fate of Slavery is now in the hands 
of those who own it". 499 The owners, thought he, by lay- 
ing down their arms could yet save slavery, and by re- 
fusing to do so would lose the institution. In the minds 
and purposes of the Republicans generally, the radical 
program expressed by Mr. Palmer was the one desired. 
But we must go to the election to determine finally the ex- 
tent to which Iowa was influenced by the issue. 

THE ELECTION 

In the election, on November 5th, the Republicans 
swept the board clean — State officers, Congressional del- 
egation, the District Judges and Attorneys, and the local 
tickets in all but a few counties. The vote for Secretary 
of State gave a majority of 15,215 for Dr. Wright, his 
vote being 66,014 to Mr. Sylvester's 50,809, which shows, 
notwithstanding the complete triumph of one party, the 
same ratio of vote between the two parties as in the elec- 
tions of 1860 and 1861. This party equilibrium is unique 
in comparison with many Northern States during this 
time. There was little scratching of tickets. For in- 
stance, the Republican "scattering vote" was: for Secre- 
tary of State, 4 ; for Treasurer, 7 ; and for Attorney Gen- 
eral, 9. The Democratic vote showed less solidarity. 

Much significance is attached to the congressional 
vote, 500 for the reason that here, at least, would appear 

^oiowa State Register, October 22, 1862. 

50 ° Election returns for 1862 taken from the Archives at Des Moines: 
First District: James F. Wilson (Eepublican), 12,705; Joseph K. 
Hornish (Democrat), 10,486; Eepublican majority, 2,219. 



170 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the public will on National issues, which had occasioned 
far greater interest than State issues. It will be seen that 
the Republicans won by large majorities in all of the six 
districts. 

It is thus seen that the Republicans had not only main- 
tained their congressional gerrymander, but even over- 
came the disintegrating factions of 1861; and the majori- 
ties in the districts as in the election of 1860 again appear. 
But the question arises, how did the soldier vote affect the 
election? So far as the final result is concerned, it was 
largely passive, though in a few instances it would have 
altered matters. By an examination of the total vote for 
Representatives in Congress, 5 " 1 for example, it is seen 
that the Republican candidates had large margins ; with- 
out the soldier vote, however, these would have been very 
greatly reduced, and in one case, as seen by the sched- 
ule, 502 that of the Grinnell-Martin contest of the Fourth 

Second District: Hiram Price (Republican), 12,433; Edward H. Thayer 
(Democrat), 8,930; Republican majority, 3,503. 

Third District: William B. Allison (Republican), 12,112; Dennis A. 
IVtahoney (Democrat), 8,452; Scattering, 14 (L. L. Ainsworth, 9); Repub- 
lican majority, 4,646. 

Fourth District: Josiah B. Grinnell (Republican), 12,900; Henry M. 
Martin (Democrat), 11,529; Republican majority, 1,371. 

Fifth District: John A. Kasson (Republican), 10,306; Dan O. Finch 
(Democrat), 7,346; Republican majority, 2,960. 

Sixth District: Asahel W. Hubbard (Republican), 5,386; John F. Dun- 
combe (Democrat), 2,755; Republican majority, 2,631. 

501 Soldier Vote for Representative in Congress, 1862: First District: 
James F. Wilson 2499; Joseph K. Hornish, 554. Second District: Hiram 
Price, 2928; Edward H. Thayer, 828. Third District: William B. Allison, 
2248; Dennis A. Mahoney, 125. Fourth District: J. B. Grinuell, 3366 
Henry M. Martin, 1136. Fifth District: John A. Kasson, 2609; D. O 
Finch, 672. Sixth District: A. W. Hubbard, 1214; John F. Duncombe, 212 

502 A comparison of the majorities in the Congressional vote : First Dis 
trict: Wilson, with the soldier vote, 2219; without the soldier vote, 274, 
Second District: Price, with the soldier vote, 3503; without the soldier 
vote, 1403. Third District: Allison, with the soldier vote, 4646; without 
the soldier vote, 1537. Fourth District: Grinnell, with the soldier vote, 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 171 

District, the Democratic candidate, Mr. Martin, would 
have been elected. But the contention of the Democrats 
of the First District, that had it not been for the soldier 
vote, they would also have elected their candidate, Mr. 
Hornish, was not verified, although the vote was close. 
Thus the Republicans did need the vote to elect their six 
representatives, notwithstanding their sanguine expecta- 
tions. 503 But with this vote Iowa endorsed the course of 
her Senators and Representatives in Congress, not only 
in the prosecution of the war, but also in their new role 
as emancipators. The Emancipation Proclamation did 
not lessen the Republican strength in Iowa. 

1371; without the soldier vote, — . Martin, with the soldier vote, — ; 
without the soldier vote, 859. Fifth District: Kasson, with the soldier 
vote, 2960; without the soldier vote, 1023. Sixth District: Hubbard, with 
the soldier vote, 2631; without the soldier vote, 1629. 

503 Senator Grimes, in a letter to Secretary Chase said: "We have car- 
ried the State triumphantly. We elect all of our six Congressmen. With- 
out the aid of the army vote, our majority will be greater than ever before; 
with that added, it will be overwhelming." — Salter's Life of James W. 
Grimes, pp. 217, 218. 



Chapter VII 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY: THE PARTY OF THE 

UNION 

the position of the party 

attitude toward party organization and the use of the term 

"union party" 

The year 1863 marks the high-tide of the war. The 
Government's method of suppressing the rebellion and 
saving the Union was beginning to yield results. By mid- 
summer was sounded the death knell of the Confederacy, 
whose lines were being pushed farther and farther back 
before the accumulating resources of the Federal Gov- 
ernment. Not only was the "Union" winning back ter- 
ritory, but with Emancipation inaugurated, the Adminis- 
tration was taking its first steps towards restoring the 
"Union". Thus the policy of "saving the Union" by de- 
manding an unconditional surrender, was effecting a re- 
turn to Federal allegiance. 

Now, the political party in power, through whose pol- 
icy all these results had been accomplished, naturally 
claimed the credit for "saving the Union", and accord- 
ingly looked upon itself as the "party of the Union", de- 
nying at the same time the right of any opposition party 
thus far during the war to a use of the term "Union". 
This was especially applicable in Iowa, where at first the 
Democrats, in their charge that the Republican policy of 
coercion would sunder the Union, monopolized the 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 173 

term; 504 then a third party, vaguely hovering between 
opposition to the war and support of the Government, 
appropriated the term. In 1863, however, it became the 
sole possession of the Republican party, which in its 
various declarations, left no doubt in the minds of people 
as to what was comprehended by the term ''Union" as 
applied to the party. The idea that it was the party of 
the Union, as in 1862, was incorporated into a formal call 
for the State Convention. This call, 505 issued on Febru- 
ary 18th, for the Convention to convene in June, was sent 
out thus early, close upon the triumph of the party at the 
autumn election, in order to forestall any "Union party" 
scheme, which might otherwise be inaugurated. 

The State Central Committee, of which James T. Lane 
was chairman, was more explicit than before, as to what 
party was called to assemble, and with what party people 
were asked to join. All citizens, without distinction of 
party, were invited to ' ' unite with the Republican party ' ', 
by sending delegates, the only tests of fellowship being 
the support of the Government's war measures and a be- 
lief in "the good doctrine of General Jackson, 'The 
Union, it must and shall be preserved'." The incorpora- 
tion of Jackson's famous toast was of course meant to be 
innocently patriotic bait for Democrats. It must be noted 
that the call was for a Republican convention. County 
representation was to be based upon the Lincoln vote of 

50i The Democrats, after secession had become an actuality, fell into three 
classes, namely: first, those who believed that the Union could be saved by 
conciliation and compromise, and hence opposed coercion; second, those who, 
after the firing on Fort Sumter, came out in support of the Administra- 
tion's policy of coercion, and many of whom were absorbed by the Eepub- 
lican party; third, those who supported the war, but remained faithful 
to the old party organization and through it sought to control the policy 
of conducting the war. 

505 Iowa State Register, February 18, 1863. 



171 



nili I'OI I lies OF ion 



L860, and thorough organization was recommended for 
an effective partisan campaign. 

Mr. Prank W. Palmer, of the Iowa State Register, on 
February IS, L863, editorially sel before the public jnst 
what the Republican committee meanl when they invited 
all to aid in the selection o( delegates to the State Con- 
vention, and to share in its deliberations. He presented 

the ease se accurately that it may be well to quote him 

verbatim. Said ho : 

We trust, however, that do man will be encouraged to believe 
thai tin' Republican organization and faith arc to be remodeled 
to nuvt the views of any class of Unionists who would other- 
wise refuse to cooperate with us. We knew too well the dangers 
which the State escaped, to be a party to such an error. Two 
years ago the Republicans of Now York, Pennsylvania, Ohio. 
Indiana and Illinois abandoned their partisan identity and co- 
operated ui what was called a "Union" organization, tows Re- 
publicans were besel Prom within the State and from without 
to follow the example. Certain good friends in our neighboring 
state of Illinois were even inclined to take our politics in hand 
and make the reconstruction for us. whether we would or no. 
When, however, tin- momenl for action came, the Republicans 
throughoul the State, with a devotion to principle and an ex- 
hibition of sagacity which did them honor, rallied with more 
.-.eat than ever under the folds of their partisan flag, battled in 
their own way for the support of the state and National Ad- 
ministrations o\ their own selection, and when the contest of that 
year was over it was found |that| they had elected their State 

and Legislative tickets by a larger majority than hail ever been 
received b\ the nominees of anj party. 

'This is exactly what was done in L861. It shows an in 

tense partisan spirit, and it characterizes the party in the 
smte in all the fifty years following, Bu1 next follows 
the exposition on the question of the Republican party 
organization and its future policy, 

We know of only one organi at ion which meets tliese semi- 
Traitors boldl\ at every pomt. and that is the Republican party. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 175 

It sustains Mr. Lincoln in his efforts to reestablish authority 
over all of the territory of the United States, for it placed him 
in power. It sustains the Laws of Congress for raising and 
maintaining an adequate Military force, for the Confiscation of 
Rebel Property, and for the Emancipation of slaves of Rebel 
masters, for it was mainly by the votes of its Representatives 
that these Laws were passed. It believes that the preservation 
of the Union is a thousand times more important than the pres- 
ervation of Slavery, and as both cannot exist together, the latter 
shall give way to tin 1 former. It believes that Manhood is not 
necessarily confined to any particular color or race; that he who 
battles for the maintenance of the American Union, thereby 
serves the cause of Political Liberty and should be entitled to its 
rewards; and that, the poorest and most degraded bondman who 
offers his services in the defence of the Republic, is better than 
any white Traitor, North or South, who by ballot or bullet is 
seeking its overthrow. 

These are the political parties and creeds between which 
Northern Freemen are to choose! If a man is a Patriot and a 
Christian, he will stand by the Party which most zealously stands 
l>\ the Government and Human Liberty! If he is an incipient 
or an open Traitor, he will affiliate with any organization which 
assumes that the Government of our Fathers is of less value than 
the preservation of African Slavery ! 

Two things stand out clearly in this editorial, namely, 
that there arc but two parties in Iowa, one of which is the 
Republican party, the "party of the Union", whose iden- 
tity and organization are to be kept intact, and whose 
program is to carry out the letter and the spirit of the 
Emancipation Proclamation. There was no thought of 
the abandonment of the party organization, as in some 
States. Thai idea was universalis- spurned by the lead- 
ers in 1863. The situation is likewise succinctly stated by 
the editor of the Fairfield Ledger, who said: "We are 
pleased to have the call made by Republicans. It is the 
only Union party in the State, and it would be a crime to 
disband the organization at this crisis of the eountry's 



176 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

affairs". 506 He then informs his readers that the ''cop- 
perheads and traitors ' ' were actively engaged in reorgan- 
izing their broken ranks, and urges ' ' all true Union men ' ' 
to join the Republican party, the only requirement being 
faithfulness to the Union. There is no suggestion here of 
fusion, nor any thought of disbanding the party. 

This partisan idea was shared now by Senator 
Grimes, 507 who, it will be recalled, favored the oblitera- 
tion of the party name, platform, and organization in 
1861. He no doubt found the people again in advance of 
the leaders and he was to be reelected to the United States 
Senate. In a letter of May 3d to the editor of the Linn 
County Register, concerning the matter, he said, that 
while he did not want reelection, he would accept it, "if 
they are satisfied that the interests of the country and our 
party require it". 508 

Preparatory to the State Convention, the Republicans 
held county "Union mass-meetings" for arousing enthu- 
siasm and for choosing delegates. The first meeting 
came, in fact, before the call for the State Convention, and 
was held at Oskaloosa on February 13th. 509 The next 
day a similar meeting was held at Ottumwa. 510 Both of 
these meetings were addressed by Mr. Cole, who was the 
"wheel-horse" speaker during this early campaign. At 
the latter place the committee had also secured the serv- 
ices of Judge David Rorer 511 of Burlington, and imported 
from Indiana the Hon. George J. Wright. Mr. Wright 
spoke in the open air and profoundly stirred the throng 

see Quoted by the Iowa State Begister, March 18, 1863. 

507 Salter 's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 150. 

508 Salter's Life of James W. Grimes, p. 236. 

509 Iowa State Begister, February 17, 1863. 
5io Ottumwa Courier, February 19, 1863. 

5ii Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. VIII, pp. 116-124. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 177 

of two thousand people who stood shoe-top deep in mud 
for two hours, while Mr. Cole spoke to an indoor audience 
of one thousand, giving a " clear, logical and eloquent 
argument, addressed to the understanding of all thinking 
and patriotic men ' ', and Judge Rorer, who followed him, 
literally " skinned the copperheads alive". 512 Similar 
meetings were held at Bloomfield on the 21st, 513 at Mus- 
catine on the 28th, 514 at Keokuk on March 2nd, 515 at 
Indianola on March 3rd, 516 at Burlington on the 6th, 517 
at Clarinda on the 13th, and so on through the spring 
months. In some counties, as for instance in Poweshiek, 
Union meetings were held in all parts of the county. 518 
At the Indianola meeting, which Mr. Cole addressed, "the 
gallant Unionists of all Warren [County] were greatly 
encouraged, and many Democrats came to the conclusion 
that the leaders of the party in this State are essentially 
hostile to the old flag". The speaker "left no spot where 
a copperhead might stand". These meetings sufficiently 
illustrate the Republican spirit in 1863. The Republicans 
in their "Union" meetings and in their county conven- 
tions to choose delegates to the State Convention, were, 
in the main, emphatic in declaring themselves to be the 
"Union party". 519 Most of the resolutions endorsed by 
detailed enumeration the various drastic measures of 
Congress and acts of the President. They show a marked 
unanimity of spirit and purpose, and while they reflect 

512 Iowa State Register, March 4, 1863. 

513 Burlington Hawkeye, March 4, 1863. 

si* Muscatine Daily Journal, March 2, 1863. 
sis Keokuk Gate City, March 2, 1863. 
5i6 Iowa State Register, March 11, 1863. 
sit Burlington Hawkeye, March 7, 1863. 
sis Iowa State Register, March 25, 1863. 
sio Burlington Hawkeye, June 17, 1863. 

12 



178 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the primary source of the State platform, they were, if 
anything, more radical. 520 

The ''Union" meeting at Keokuk, above noted, was 
possibly the one exception to the general rule of these 
meetings; for here, at this old "Union" center, an at- 
tempt was made to launch again a non-partisan "Union" 
movement. A significant series of resolutions was adopt- 
ed, the following being illustrative of their. position: 

Resolved, That we will henceforth recognize no distinction but 
that of Patriots and Traitors ; that the words ' ' Republican ' ' and 
"Democrat" are obsolete terms and should be expunged from 
common use and memory, never to be revived again until the 
Union is entirely saved and the Rebellion only a thing of his- 
tory. 521 

The last clause is quite interesting in view of the course 
taken by the Republican party in the nation at large. 522 
The * ' Unionists ' ' at this meeting took a firm stand in sup- 
port of the Lincoln Administration, but declared that 
they would "eschew all nominations made by any party". 
The meeting was in the hands of genuine non-partisan 
advocates, and while there were Republicans represent- 
ed, the chief men were the earlier "Unionists" and the 
War Democrats who honestly favored a fusion party. 

To head off this non-partisan movement, and especially, 
so it was claimed, to counteract the early Democratic ac- 
tivity in the State, the Republicans adopted the plan of 
forming local "Union Clubs" or "Union Leagues". 
Editor Palmer, of the Iowa State Register, thought that 
it behooved the Republicans to bestir themselves, or the 
State would meet the fate of New York, to the ' ' disgrace 

520 The texts of the Lucas and fhe Mills County resolutions are found in 
the Iowa State Register for April 17th and June 17th, respectively. 

521 Text of Eesolutions in Keokuk Gate City, March 5, 1863. 

522 See Professor Dunning 's article in the American Historical Beview for 
October, 1910, pp. 56-63. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 179 

of the good name of Iowa". 523 But while Palmer, as also 
others, emphasized the danger from the Democracy, it 
was rather a cloak to cover their real concern lest another 
"Union" party movement should appear to the disquiet 
and possible disruption of the Republican party. Thus 
the holding of ''Union" meetings, passing "Union" re- 
solves, and choosing "Union" delegates for the Repub- 
lican State Convention, was supplemented by organizing 
"Union" clubs to further a "Union" campaign by the 
only "Union" party in the State — the Republican party. 
It is true that the first Union Club was formed at the 
non-partisan "Union" meeting at Keokuk, but at Mr. 
Palmer's suggestion, the Republican party took up the 
matter and forestalled the non-partisan movement, turn- 
ing these clubs into the channels of the Republican party. 
Then beginning with the formation of a " Union League ' ' 
at Ottumwa on March 20th, 524 local clubs or leagues were 
soon formed throughout the State. On June 16th, the day 
before the Republican State Convention, the Union Clubs 
convened at Des Moines and organized a State Council, 525 
fixing upon June 2nd, 1864, at Marshalltown, as the time 
and place for the first annual meeting. The Republicans, 
therefore, retained their party identity and organization, 
and assured their political supremacy. 

THE REPUBLICANS IN STATE CONVENTION 

After four months of preparation, 526 the Republicans 
met in State Convention at Des Moines on June 17th. It 
was the largest convention of the party's history, there 
being but two small counties unrepresented. 527 As usual 

523 Iowa State Register, March 18, 1863. 
■ r >24 Iowa State Register, March 25, 1863. 

525 Iowa State Register, June 23, 1863. 

526 Burlington Hawkeye, June 20, 1863. 

527 Burlington Haxckeye, June 30, 1863. Full proceedings are given in 
this issue. 



180 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

considerable political sagacity was displayed in the or- 
ganization of the Convention. Major Ed. Wright, home 
on a furlough, was made temporary chairman, while 
Joshua Tracy, an early war convert, was the permanent 
"president"; other former Democrats were put upon 
committees and every element was in some way recog- 
nized. 

The convention was notable for the large number of 
soldiers present. In fact it became a soldiers' reception, 
and prominent officers — General M. M. Crocker, Colonel 
J. A. Williamson, Colonel William M. Stone, and others — 
occupied seats on the platform. While waiting for the 
report of the Committee on Credentials, enthusiasm ran 
high; a soldiers' love-feast was held, their deeds were 
applauded, and they were feted and lionized. The chief 
speakers were Attorney General Nourse, J. B. Grinnell, 
and Hiram Price. But with all the jollification and good 
feeling there was some real work before the Convention, 
and at least one stubborn fight — that for the guberna- 
torial nomination. 

There were several persistent candidates for the nom- 
ination of Governor, each with his steadfast supporters. 
An informal ballot 52S was taken which revealed General 
Fitz Henry Warren and Secretary of State Elijah Sells 
to be the high men, with Colonel Stone a close possibility. 
After seven ballots it became evident that neither War- 
ren nor Sells could be nominated. The Sells supporters 
began to desert him in the fifth ballot, and Warren 
reached his highest vote, 335, in the sixth. When the 148 
solid Sells men saw that they would be beaten, upon the 
advice 529 of their favorite, they resolved at least to pre- 

528 informal ballot: Warren, 297; Sells, 254; Stone, 181; Henry C. 
Caldwell, 31 ; General Crocker, 18. 

529 Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. II, pp. 525, 526. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 181 

vent Warren's receiving the plum, and threw their 
strength to Colonel Stone, who was named on the eighth 
ballot. 530 Just before the eighth ballot was taken, how- 
ever, it was agreed, in order to test the strength of the 
vote, to take another ballot, no matter what the result 
might be ; but immediately after the ballot General War- 
ren saved his reputation, amid the shouts of the conven- 
tion, by making a happy speech in withdrawing from the 
race, while Colonel Stone accepted the honor as appar- 
ently coming to him, as his friends claimed, unexpectedly 
and without solicitation. He could hardly be regarded, 
however, as a ''dark horse", for his supporters were too 
numerous and too well organized. The interesting point 
is that a soldier was nominated, a course in keeping with 
the general feeling that "we ought in these stirring times 
to have a military man at the head of our State Govern- 
ment". 531 It was this that militated against Mr. Sells 
and which, had it not been for the Sells forces, would 
have landed General Warren in the Governor's chair. 

The ticket was completed at the evening session by 
naming Enoch W. Eastman, a man whom Republicans 
were always glad to honor, for Lieutenant Governor, and 
for Supreme Justice, John P. Dillon; both men being 
named on the first ballot. The Convention then turned 
to platform-making. 

The platform 532 was reported by A. B. F. Hildreth, 
editor of the Charles City Intelligencer, a member of the 
Committee on Resolutions. 533 It was unanimously adopt- 
ed. The idea of the Republicans on the question of party 

530 Eighth ballot: Stone, 398; Warren, 376; Caldwell, 18; Sells, 11. 
53i Burlington Eawheye, June 22, 1863. 

532 Fairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, pp. 66, 67. 

533 The Committee, by districts, was: L. G. Palmer, Dr. Joy, J. B. Pack- 
ard, Isaac Pendleton, J. H. Gray, William Loughridge, W. S. Eddy, H. W. 
Gray, C. A. Wellman, A. B. F. Hildreth, J. D. Hunter. 



182 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

is further emphasized by significantly declaring them- 
selves to be "a convention of representatives of the loyal 
people of the State assembled under the call of the Re- 
publican organization of the State". The platform was 
short. It defended the Government's right to sustain its 
natural existence, and endorsed by specific mention the 
National Administration measures, omitting however, the 
Emancipation Proclamation as such. They endorsed the 
soldier vote law, praised the soldiers, ''both native and 
foreign born", extended thanks to Governor Kirkwood 
for his wise administration, and declared for the Consti- 
tution of the Union, to the subordination of party and all 
other interests. The platform, therefore, was less radical 
and partisan than many of the earlier utterances. But 
this more conservative tone was not so much an indica- 
tion of partisan weakening, as it was an evidence of poli- 
tic foresight; for such a phrase as "subordination of 
party" was calculated to ease the minds of conservatives, 
and it had a potent effect. 

THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CONVENTION OF 1863 

Early in 1863 the Democrats began to consider the 
question of party reorganization for the State Conven- 
tion. Their goal was, as ever, the recapture of the State. 
They followed the policy of the previous two years, of 
holding their Convention just before that of the adminis- 
tration party, and now even took the lead, calling the 
convention before the Republicans called theirs. On Jan- 
uary 22nd the State Central Committee sent out a call 534 
for the State Convention to meet on May 20th at Des 
Moines, all counties being urged to organize and send a 
full representation. In consequence Democratic activity 
began fully a month before the Republican launching. 

534 Dubuque Herald, January 22, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 183 

There were no platform declarations in the call, for the 
party leaders were divided, and while the majority of the 
State Committee was composed of moderate Democrats 

— those supporting the war, yet remaining in the party 

— they wished above all for party harmony. But the old 
conservative leaders or peace Democrats on the side lines, 
had a program of their own; they were for peace, and at 
once began to shape the course in various local centers 
toward their policy anent the coming convention. 

At Democracy's citadel, Dubuque, a call was sent out 
for a "Grand Peace Convention" to be held on the eve of 
Washington's birthday, and by a peculiar coincidence it 
was issued on the 12th of February, Lincoln's birthday. 
The call 535 was signed by the "Democratic Executive 
Committee" — George W. Jones, J. F. Bates, Thomas S. 
Wilson, D. A. Mahoney, and three others — and was sent 
to "the conservative citizens" of the counties of Du- 
buque, Clayton, Jones, Jackson and Delaware. Whether 
it was to be a "Peace Convention" on national issues, or 
a local get-together Democratic meeting, can not be ascer- 
tained by the call, but certain it is, that it was to be con- 
servative, and that the two Dubuque factions of some 
years' standing were acting together, for both ex-Senator 
Jones and ex-Judge Wilson were among the signers of 
the call. The chief speaker of the occasion was to be 
Henry Clay Dean, 530 while among others were the veteran 
Augustus C. Dodge, and David Sheean of Galena, Illi- 
nois. The meeting was held as per schedule with an at- 
tendance of some twelve to fifteen hundred people. 537 
The list of speakers was increased, considerable enthusi- 

535 Dubuque Herald, February 12, 1863. 

■ r >36 Sketch of Dean in the Annals of Iowa (3rd Series), Vol. VIII, pp. 299- 
304. 

53T Dubuque Herald, February 22, 1863. 



184 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

asm was worked up, and the conservative wing of the 
party launched its peace policy. 

Similar meetings were held at other important centers, 
the first one in fact being on January 31st, at Oskaloosa, 
where it was reported that from six to eight thousand 
people were present. 538 Henry Clay Dean, it seems, was 
foremost in rallying the Democracy to the peace pro- 
gram. He was always a drawing-card, people coming out 
of curiosity to see him, as well as to hear his vituperative 
oratory, and. especially now to gauge his speech for the 
detection of treason. On March 31st he appeared in Des 
Moines, "disguised in a clean shirt," to make a speech, 
but the large crowd which met "out of curiosity to see 
the creature" was disappointed, since his speech was less 
inflammatory than usual. 539 Dean was a leader of the 
conservatives, who like the Republicans, were wholly com- 
mitted to the partisan course. He was not in favor of 
any "Union Party" or fusion movement, nor yet of 
the Democrats giving countenance to the war. Speak- 
ing at Iowa City earlier in March he veritably pulverized 
the New York Democracy for even moderately support- 
ing the war, and declared that Governor Seymour was 
the mere "offal of Democracy". But as to the question 
of policy the party was all along divided. One thing, 
however, was quite noticeable early in 1863 : there was a 
more temperate tone in the utterances of the Democratic 
press, as also of the Democratic speakers, and the Repub- 
licans, finding less to incriminate the Democrats by, made 
the most of their general partisan opposition to the Ad- 
ministration. 

The hoped-for Democratic awakening was slow in ma- 
terializing. With all their efforts at arousing interest in 

538 Dubuque Herald, February 13, 1863. 

539 Iowa State Begister, April 8, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND EECONSTEUCTION PERIOD 185 

the announced State Convention, it finally became evi- 
dent to the Democrats, that the preparations, thus far 
made, would not warrant the holding of the convention 
as advertised. The leaders also began to mistrust the 
advisability of leading out with platform utterances and 
the naming of a ticket. They began to wonder if, after 
all, it were not the part of wisdom and good politics to 
let the Republicans take the initiative, and utter the chal- 
lenges. Consequently it was decided to postpone the 
Convention, and three weeks before the time set, another 
call, signed by the State Chairman J. M. Ellwood, and the 
Secretary, J. C. Turk, to postpone the convention to July 
12th, was issued. 

At the appointed time, after two months of hard labor 
on the part of the State Committee, they were repaid by 
seeing the clans gathering at Des Moines. But despite 
all efforts, when they assembled, there were but twenty- 
eight counties represented with two hundred and some 
thirty odd delegates, and thus the political advantage of 
following the Republicans was largely negative. 

The Convention was presided over by Laurel Sum- 
mers, while D. N. Richardson of the Davenport Democrat 
was the secretary. From the first it was again clear that 
the Democrats were hopelessly divided; it was the 
conservative peace wing, heirs of the Mahoneyites of 
1861, as against the liberal or War Democrats. Both fac- 
tions, however, agreed upon the plan of adopting a plat- 
form before naming a ticket, and then the Convention 
gave itself up to the annual speech-making, participated 
in by LeGrand Byington, Dan 0. Finch, and John F. 
Duncombe. 540 

The evening session was devoted to platform-making. 

540 Biased proceedings are found in the Iowa State Register, July 15, 1363. 



186 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

The Committee on Resolutions 541 presented a platform 542 
of sixteen planks, of which the first five, consisting of a 
re-statement of the old and sound Democratic principles, 
reflected their constitutional grievances. They made a 
distinction between the Government and the Administra- 
tion, a classification which the Republicans would not 
admit ; and since the Administration was the agent of the 
Government, the Democrats held the former subject to 
criticism, disapproval, or even condemnation, according 
to its acts. The remaining eleven resolves stated their 
position on National issues, condemning the war, not as 
a war to save the Union, but as an emancipation war. 
They urged the restoration of peace, and asked the se- 
ceded States to return to their former allegiance, prom- 
ising them assistance in the process, even to the extent 
of securing their institutions and their rights. They 
praised the Iowa soldiery and opposed military govern- 
ment where civil authority only should rule. Finally they 
expressed satisfaction in the growing conservative senti- 
ment in the North as indicated by the autumn elections, 
and again avowed their adherence to the Constitution 
and the Union. There was considerable acrimony dis- 
played in the debate on the resolutions, especially as to 
their form, and as finally adopted they were a compro- 
mise. A separate series of resolutions on State issues 
was also adopted, which was to have been included in the 
platform, but apparently was suppressed by the State 
Committee until late in the campaign. 

The testing of the strength of the two factions came in 
the naming of a ticket, especially in connection with the 

541 Committee: Joseph K. Hornish, Henry H. Trimble, R. B. Parrott, 
C. C. Smeltzer, P. Gad Bryan, Charles Negus, Edward H. Thayer, Stillson 
Hutchins, Daniel Hammer, John E. Hull. 

542 Fairall 's Manual of Iowa Politics, Vol. I, pp. 64-66. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD ly7 

nomination for Governor. The issue was that of a sol- 
dier candidate. An informal ballot brought out three 
candidates, namely, General James M. Tuttle, with 182 
votes; LeGrand Byington with 136; and Charles Mason 
with 104. Before the third ballot was taken Mr. Mason 
withdrew, and when the vote was cast both factions 
claimed the victory. A forensic encounter ensued which 
turned upon General Tuttle 's war record. The Tuttle 
supporters were led by Finch, Trimble, Hammer, Mc- 
Clintock, and Ed. Johnson, while those who assailed Tut- 
tle were Mahoney, Jennings, Hutchins, Negus, Sheward, 
Cassady, and Byington himself. The latter group depre- 
cated the soldier craze, while the former, influenced by 
the Republican policy, asserted that with a soldier on the 
ticket, they could win; otherwise they could not. The 
Democrats had some good gubernatorial timber but most 
of it had already deserted the party. James M. Tuttle, 
however, was among the War Democrats and an officer 
in the field who remained with the party; such a man, it 
was thought, ought not to be overlooked, and the Tuttle 
boom was started. 

Prior to the State Convention, the committee forming a 
close ring decided on Tuttle as the man to head the tick- 
et, and sent an emissary to Vicksburg, to present the mat- 
ter to General Tuttle, and if possible, to obtain his con- 
sent. Arrangements were made with the General that 
upon his decision to accept the proposed nomination, he 
should telegraph the fact, together with the kind of plat- 
form he would run upon, to Mr. William F. Coolbaugh, 
then in Chicago, who in turn would inform the inner cir- 
cle at Des Moines. Soon thereafter, the State Central 
Committee received the following telegram : 



188 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Chicago, July 8, 1863. 
D. 0. Finch — Des Moines : The General will accept and pre- 
fers the New York soldier. W. F. Coolbaugh. 543 

Thus was the Committee apprised, in this cipher des- 
patch, of two things: Tuttle's willingness to run, and the 
kind of platform he desired. The mysterious term ' ' New 
York soldier" meant that General Tuttle wanted such a 
platform as Governor Seymour stood upon in New York. 
It was a conservative war platform, and by making in- 
roads upon the Republicans, was successful in New York. 
Why might not the same policy succeed in Iowa? But 
unlike the New York situation, the Republicans of Iowa 
were able to hold the conservatives and therefore the 
Democrats were deprived of a following which the New 
York Democracy received. Moreover, while there was a 
strong element among the Iowa Democrats who hoped 
that, by adopting a conservative war policy and naming 
a soldier for Governor, they might wrest from the Re- 
publicans their monopoly of the State government, yet 
the peace wing was strong enough to forestall their plan, 
and the party remained divided. 

But how did the scheme to nominate Tuttle work out 
in the convention? The conservative faction, willing to 
compromise on the nomination, withdrew Byington's 
name and put up instead Maturin L. Fisher. 544 The war 
faction, however, claimed that Tuttle's nomination was 
already made; the word had been sent out and was re- 
ceived with the most positive approbation. The deadlock 
was continued for a time, and finally the War Democrats 
yielded and another ballot was taken which resulted in 
Fisher's nomination by a majority of thirty-one. The 
convention became a mob and it was with the greatest 

s« Iowa State Register, July 15, 1863. 

, 544 For portrait of Mr. Fisher see Annals of Ioiva (3rd Series, Vol. VII, 
p. 93). 



CIVIL WAR AND BECONSTBUCTION PEBIOD 189 

difficulty that a break-up or a bolt was prevented. The 
absolute necessity of maintaining even apparent har- 
mony produced the anomaly of a "unanimous nomina- 
tion" accompanied by a protest. The convention then 
adjourned to the next day, when the ticket was completed. 
John F. Duncombe was named for Lieutenant-Governor, 
and Charles Mason for Supreme Justice. Thus the peace 
wing was in control, having both the ticket and the plat- 
form, the latter being almost identical with the Vallan- 
digham platform of Ohio. 

An incident illustrative of the folly of the radical con- 
servatives occurred at an overflow meeting at the State 
Fair Grounds. The victorious peace element, emboldened 
and defiant, made shipwreck of whatever advantage it had 
attained. Among the speakers at this meeting was the 
indefatigable D. A. Mahoney, who declared that since the 
war was destroying both slavery and the Union, the time 
for forcible resistance to the Government would soon ar- 
rive. This not only made the protesting faction deter- 
mined upon another course, but it alarmed the Repub- 
licans and gave them added material to strengthen their 
' ' Union ' ' campaign. The Democracy was facing its most 
disastrous defeat. 

THE DEMOCRATS AGAIN CHANGE CANDIDATES 

The Democratic State Convention had adjourned 
amidst the greatest confusion. The party was in no mood 
to enter heartily into the campaign. The protesting mi- 
nority, supreme in the State Central Committee, held an 
aftermath session of several weeks and finally, adopting 
the desperate course pursued in '61, labored to bring 
about the desired vacancy at the head of the ticket. They 
managed their campaign so adroitly that they finally suc- 
ceeded in frightening Mr. Fisher from the ticket, and 



190 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

then took formal steps to make General Tuttle the nom- 
inee of the party. 

On July 23rd, Mr. Fisher sent to D. N. Eichardson his 
letter of declination. 545 He stated that he took the step 
solely with the good of the party in view, and expressed 
the hope that his action would result in the party's tri- 
umph at the polls. With Mr. Fisher out of the way, the 
chairman of the committee, Mr. Byington, called them to- 
gether to fill the vacancy. The committee met at Burling- 
ton on August 6th, with such "collateral leaders" 546 as 
David Sheward, G. M. Todd, Charles Negus, Joseph 
Street, and Jairus E. Neal, as advisory to the committee, 
only five of whom were present — Byington, Carpenter, 
Cassady, Plumer and Seberger. 547 The committee tak- 
ing formal action, issued the following resolution in justi- 
fication of its course : 

Resolved, That upon mature consideration of the unfortunate 
dilemma in which the tardy declination of Mr. Fisher has placed 
the Democracy of Iowa — of the very limited time which is left 
for prosecuting the canvass — of the disastrous delay and great 
expense of holding another State Convention, without reason- 
able prospects to us of securing universal harmony thereby, and 
especially with no satisfactory assurance that a second nomina- 
tion would be acquiesced in any more than was Mr. Fisher's — 
this committee cannot feel justified in calling another conven- 
tion of the party at this late day. 

Then followed in true Democratic fashion a viva voce 
vote to fill the vacancy, resulting in three votes for Gen- 
eral Tuttle and two for ex- Judge Mason — Carpenter, 
Cassady, and Seberger voting for the former, and By- 
ington and Plumer for the latter. Tuttle was then de- 
clared to be the nominee. By resolution the chairman of 

545 Davenport Democrat, August 5, 1863. 
5« Iowa State Register, August 12, 1863. 

5*7 Byington 's letter giving an account of the meeting of the Committee. 
— Iowa State Press, August 12, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 191 

the committee was authorized to "restore, if possible, the 
missing resolutions which were passed by the late Con- 
vention upon State issues, and cause the same to be pub- 
lished as part of our party platform during the canvass 
and also, so far as practicable, to be debated by our pub- 
lic speakers". After ordering that this action should be 
published in the Democratic papers of the State, as also 
in the Chicago Times, the "Sub-Convention", as it was 
dubbed, adjourned. 

At last the party was ready actively to enter upon the 
campaign. But Democracy's bark, endeavoring to steer 
clear of Charybdis and of Scylla, struck a rock and 
floundered; for it can not be said that General Tuttle's 
nomination was "acquiesced in" any more than was Fish- 
er's. The action of the State Committee was met with 
indifference and disgust, with rage and determined oppo- 
sition. Of course the Democratic opposition was to a 
soldier candidate. Editor Babbitt's position is illustra- 
tive of this element. On the very day the committee met, 
he declared that if left to a vote of the people, ninety-five 
per cent would choose a civilian in preference to a mili- 
tary man, the "cries of availability raised by political 
scullions to the contrary notwithstanding", and he 
showed by the vote of two years before that the populari- 
ty of military men among Iowa Democrats was not 
great. 5 4S 

Mr. Babbitt was a "straight-out" Democrat and called 
for another State Convention, a good and true one which 
would name a candidate who had "never endorsed the 
unconstitutional and despotic acts of the present corrupt 
and despotic Administration ' '. He wanted a man, there- 
fore, who would support the Constitution and enforce the 
laws, one who would protect the rights and liberties of 

548 Council Bluffs Bugle, August 6, 1863. 



192 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

the people of Iowa. Such a man, he declared, could be 
elected, whereas one who professed Democracy and prac- 
ticed Abolitionism would be defeated. Babbitt was of 
course right, for people generally prefer a sincere candi- 
date to one who is uncertain and inconsistent. 

But while there was large opposition to a "soldier 
candidate", there was also support for the ticket, and 
from an hitherto unfriendly source. The Dubuque Her- 
ald soon came out for the revised ticket, running up the 
Tuttle standard. 549 This, however, was due to a change 
in the management of that paper, Mr. Mahoney having 
early in the year sold out, though not until now, August 
11th, 550 issuing his farewell and taking his departure. 
Patrick Robb, formerly of the Sioux City Register, the 
new owner and a "Union" Democrat, 551 now took charge 
and although retaining Mr. Hutchins as editor, moderate- 
ly reversed the policy of the paper. 

Mr. Byington was, of course, among those who opposed 
the nomination of Tuttle, for which he was both applaud- 
ed and criticised. Just before the election he freed him- 
self and every other Democrat from any obligation to 
vote for General Tuttle, since he had neither accepted the 
nomination nor the party's platform. 552 The Republican 
press was obliged to counteract the soldier capital in the 

5*9 Dubuque Eerald, August 15, 1863. 

550 Dubuque Eerald, August 11, 1863. 

5oi Iowa State Register, August 14, 1683. 

552 Letter in Iozva State Register, October 21, 1863: 

Iowa City, Aug. 24th, 1863. 
W. H. Vance, Esq., 
Keokuk, Iowa. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of the 19th inst. reached me this moment. No 
man in Iowa feels as keenly as myself the unfortunate position in which 
we have been again placed by disorganizers and time-servers. As Gen. 
Tuttle has not accepted our nomination or placed himself upon our plat- 
form, every democrat must settle with himself the amount of obligation, 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 193 

new ticket, and did so by showing the inconsistent posi- 
tion of General Tuttle — that of a soldier in the service 
standing upon an anti-war platform. 553 Thus the Repub- 
licans soon had Tuttle classed, according to editor Stew- 
art, with the "malignant copperheads", who used him 
merely as a vote catcher. 554 We shall later see what the 
army thought of the two soldier candidates. 

THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF 1863 

Intense partisan feeling was a marked characteristic of 
the war time, the partisan spirit being generally connect- 
ed with the question of loyalty to the Government. There 
were continuous clashings between factions, and a gen- 
eral spirit of lawlessness and of bullying existed every- 
where. Lynch law justice was common, all the way from 
thrashing an offender, destroying his property, or tor- 
turing him, to shooting him down. Iowa was beginning 
to feel the moral effects of the war at home. During the 
year 1863, fifty-three counties reported five hundred and 
twenty-two criminal prosecutions in the District Court, 
and though the larger number of the accused got off with 
fines, yet one-tenth were sentenced to the penitenti- 
aries. 555 The lionized soldier, on furlough or in rendez- 
vous, was always a political factor to be reckoned with, 
and in the nature of the issues a disturbing element, as 

either of principle or policy, which rests upon him to support such a candi- 
date as he makes himself. 

Had he accepted the nomination conferred, an implied obligation, at 
least, to stand as the representative of the party would have compelled all 
democrats to vote for him. 

Truly yours, 

LeGrand Byington. 

553 ioioa State Register, August 12, 1863. 

654 Dubuque Times, September 23, 1863. 

555 Iowa Legislative Documents, 1864, Vol. II. 



194 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

well as a dangerous individual to offend. The secret K. 
G. C.'s among the civilians complicated matters many 
fold. 

Between these groups and their supporters the print- 
ing press was always a factor. More than one opposition 
press suffered at the hands of "soldier boys". 556 Of 
course the "peace" press was tantalizing, but no more so 
than was the "loyal" press abusive. This phase of the 
party spirit caused editor Sheward, of the Union and 
Constitution, to emblazon the "butternut" at the head of 
his editorial column. It also caused a "butternut school- 
ma'am" to whip several of her pupils for singing the 
then new and popular war song, "Rally Round the Flag, 
Boys", and likewise caused the loyal courts to fine the of- 
fending school teacher. 557 The times were too tense for 
the old-fashioned Fourth of July celebrations. At some 
places they were dispensed with, or, as at Burlington, 
where two rival celebrations were held, they were parti- 
san. 558 One of these was conducted by the "peace" citi- 
zens, a non-speech-making picnic celebration, at which 
only the Declaration of Independence and Washington's 
Farewell Address could be read. The other one was held 
by the Republicans, in a stuffy hall, where a score of men, 
among them C. Ben Darwin, Captain T. W. Newman, 
Rev. William Salter, Joshua Tracey, Charles H. Phelps, 
and Theodore Guelich, delivered red-hot, five-minute 
speeches. 559 The "patriotic" war editorials of the "loy- 

556 The press of Claggett 's Keokuk Constitution was in 1863 dumped into 
the Mississippi, and in May when Mr. Claggett sought protection at the 
hands of Governor Kirkwood, he was told to take his case to the civil courts. 
— Burlington Hawkeye, August 17, 1863. 

557 Iowa State Register, September 30, 1863. 

558 Burlington Hawkeye, June 19, 23 and July 3, 1863. 

559 Burlington Hawkeye, July 7, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 195 

al" press 500 were equalled by the "treasonous" editorials 
of the "peace" press. 501 

The Republicans placed their campaign in the hands of 
Thomas F. Withrow, who had learned the art of cam- 
paigning from his friend and brother-in-law, John A. 
Kasson. He was chosen by the State Central Commit- 
tee 502 and conducted the campaign with the usual organ- 
ization and dispatch. Again the leading home speakers 
took the stump. Of these Colonel Stone probably became 
the most conspicuous, though both Senators Harlan and 
Grimes, General S. R. Curtis, C. Ben Darwin, as well as 
others, were prominent in the canvass. Senator Grimes 
again made a long tour through the State. He declared 
that he had never before been in a campaign which re- 
quired so great labor, and that the Democrats never 
worked so hard ; but he predicted a Republican victory by 
an "unprecedentedly large majority". 503 Senator Grimes 
was not seeking reelection, but he was nevertheless inter- 
ested in the election of the members of the eleventh Gen- 
eral Assembly, and viewed with complacent satisfaction 
the fact that "no Senator or Representative will be elect- 
ed by the Republicans who is not pledged to my elec- 
tion". 504 

At the State Fair grounds in Des Moines a great ' ' Un- 

560 Burlington Hawkeye, July 4, 1863. 
set Dubuque Herald, July 4, 1863. 

562 The Republican State Central Committee, by districts: G. N. Edwards, 
H. W. Yokner, C. E. Milford, H. Ford, Thomas F. Withrow, John R. Need- 
ham, Jacob Butler, F. Humphrey, C. A. Wellman, John A. Elliott, J. D. 
Hunter. 

563 Letters written to Mrs. Grimes from Grinnell, Independence and 
Dubuque.— Salter 's Life of James TV. Grimes, pp. 238, 239. 

564 Letter to Mrs. Grimes written from West Union on September 28th. — 
Salter 's Life of James TV. Grimes, p. 238. Grimes was reelected to the 
United States Senate on January 16th, 1864, receiving on joint ballot 123 
votes out of 134. Three Democrats voted for him. 



196 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

ion Mass Meeting" 365 was held on September 12th, where 
Senator Grimes, Colonel Stone and Mr. Darwin spoke to 
five thousand people, presided over by General Curtis. 
The evening session, "down town", in front of the Sav- 
ery House, was addressed by Senator Harlan, General 
Curtis and Mr. Henry C. Rippey, one of the most prom- 
inent though belated converts to Republicanism. Mr. 
Rippey remained with the Democracy until after their 
last State Convention, when, dissatisfied with platform 
and ticket, he finally gave public expression to his dis- 
pleasure 506 and allowed the leaven of desertion to work. 
But the nomination of Tuttle coming soon after, caused 
him to hesitate ; and then seeking light on the ' ' duty of a 
loyal Democrat ' ' in the pending election for Governor, he 
addressed a letter, September 2nd, to Mr. C. C. Cole. Mr. 
Cole's answer three days later was regarded as so able 
and convincing a diagnosis of the case, that it was pub- 
lished as a campaign document. 567 Cole assured his 
friend that there was no party question involved; that 
Colonel Stone was nominated by a "so-called Union Con- 
vention", and General Tuttle by a "Democratic Conven- 
tion so-called"; that both had been efficient officers, 
though now standing on diametrically opposed platforms, 
the former supporting the Administration and the latter 
opposing the war. He advised Mr. Rippey to vote for 
Stone. Then he significantly added : " I find that neither 
party has avowed a single former political or partisan 
issue, but the whole contest is one of support or opposi- 
tion to the Administration in its prosecution of the war". 
While he correctly stated the great issue, his explanation 
of the party platforms must be taken merely as balm to 

565 Iowa State Begister, July 22, 1863. 

see Iowa State Begister, September 14, 1863. 

567 Iowa State Begister, September 9, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 197 

ease the conscience of a deserter. But it evidently satis- 
fied Mr. Kippey, an Administration Democrat, for he at 
once entered the Republican lists, as we have seen, to 
champion the cause of the ' ' Union ' '. 

Iowa Republicans were very solicitous about the soldier 
vote. Mr. Grinnell, Representative in Congress, wrote to 
his constituents in the army, a letter in which he named a 
list of former Democrats, both officers in the field and 
leading civilians, who were all for Stone. Letters from 
former Democrats endorsing Colonel Stone were occa- 
sionally published. Although Stone himself was very 
popular, yet anything coming from the army or from 
Democrats, was of importance. General John A. Mc- 
Clernand, of Springfield, Illinois, Colonel Stone's old 
corps commander, wrote him a letter of endorsement, 
which of course was published. 568 This sort of campaign- 
ing the Democrats would match by advertising Fernando 
Wood of New York, who would stump the State in behalf 
of General Tuttle. But time passed and no Fernando 
Wood appeared in Iowa. 

The Democrats, divided and out of harmony among 
themselves, pleaded for peace in the nation. They begged 
the people to put them back into power, promising in re- 
turn that great boon. But although their campaign was 
spasmodic, they put into the field their ablest speakers, 
besides the nominees. Augustus C. Dodge addressed sev- 
eral meetings, but he, like others, found it difficult to ad- 
vocate peace and at the same time urge the claims of their 
soldier ticket. Therefore at Dubuque on September 24th, 
he confined himself to the former and talked peace, while 
incidentally electioneering for D. A. Mahoney, who was 
running for sheriff of that county. 569 

568 Iowa State Register, September 23, 1863. 

569 Iowa State Register, September 30, 1863. 



198 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

But while the party professed to make peace the issue, 
the real issue with them was General Tuttle, and they, 
like the Republicans, were concerned about the soldier 
vote. With the soldiers, it was hoped, it would be a mat- 
ter of choice between two popular army officers. The 
action of the soldiers in the main, however, showed that 
it was not so much a matter of men as of issues, and Gen- 
eral Tuttle 's military popularity did not profit him, as is 
seen by letters from the army and the action of certain 
regiments, as well as the soldier vote. A typical letter 
appeared during the canvass from John A. T. Hull, then 
a private, which illustrates the attitude of the soldiers 
regardless of party affiliation. The significant portion of 
the letter 570 reads : 

Well, the Democratic party of Iowa is in a pretty muss, isn't 
it? If Tuttle has one tenth the sense he has always been sup- 
posed to possess, he will not only refuse the nomination tendered 
him, but will renounce his allegiance to the party. It is the 
only thing which will restore to him the confidence of his soldier 
friends. He was at one time very popular with the army, but 
he is fast losing the respect of Iowa soldiers. Colonel Stone 
will receive an almost unanimous vote. I know of but one Demo- 
crat in this Regiment w T ho will not support him. I will not men- 
tion his name, but will say he is an officer, and should know bet- 
ter than to say one thing and do another. 

The Democratic members of Tuttle 's old regiment, the 
Iowa Second, took formal action on his nomination, unan- 
imously adopting a series of resolutions, charging him 
with inconsistency in both his career and his letter ac- 
cepting the nomination on an anti-war platform. 571 
The Iowa Seventh also framed resolutions on Tuttle 's 
nomination, one of them reading : 

570 The letter in full appears in the Iowa State Register, September 16, 
1863. 

57i The resolutions in full are found in the Ioiva State Register, Septem- 
ber 9, 1863. 



CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 199 

Resolved, That we will support no man for any office (what- 
ever might have been his standing among patriots) who will 
identify himself with a party whose avowed principles are so 
hostile to the best interests of our Government. 572 

They then pledged their individual support to Stone. 
The campaigning utility of these letters and resolves must 
be apparent. But the vote itself will tell the story. 

Another phase of the campaign and election significant 
of Republicanism, was the increased use of the term 
"Union" as applied to the Republican party. This is 
noticeable especially in the later county nominating con- 
ventions, and in reports of the election returns. On 
August 15th the Jefferson County Republican convention 
at Fairfield declared: 

That we solicit the cooperation of all loyal men, without dis- 
tinction of party, to unite with us in the election of the ticket 
presented by this convention. 573 

In none of the many county conventions, so far as ob- 
served, do we find that the Republicans abandoned their 
party organization, or fused in such a way as to obscure 
it. In several the party name was not mentioned, either 
in the call or in the resolutions adopted ; but neither was 
there any other name used. The call for the Des Moines 
County Convention at Burlington, for example, simply 
called together those electors "in favor of the war for the 
Union and the sustaining of the Government in its vigor- 
ous prosecution". Even here the basis of the delegate 
representation from the townships was the vote cast for 
Lincoln, three years prior. 574 

Again, Mr. Palmer in speaking of General Tuttle's can- 
didacy, charged him with inconsistency in accepting a 
place on a ticket against the ' ' only organized Union party 

572 i mca State Register, September 9, 1863. 

573 Burlington Haivkeye, August 18, 1863. 

574 Burlington Haivlceye, August 1, 1863. 



200 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

in the State". 575 The same idea is brought out concern- 
ing the action taken by the Seventeenth Iowa Regiment 
in the report, "That Regiment is unanimously for the 
Union State ticket headed by Colonel Stone". 576 The 
Iowa conception of the term is further shown in the re- 
ports of the election from the various local units. In a 
few instances these are reported as Republican victories, 
but by far the larger number are reported in varying 
" Union" terms, such as, for example, 577 "Great Union 
Victory", "Union majority", "All the Union candi- 
dates", "Union ticket", "Republican Union ticket", 
"Union gain", etc. These we're all reports of the same 
party returns. There was no fusion "Union" party in 
Iowa in 1863. 

The election resulted in the largest Republican triumph 
in the State. Not only was the State ticket elected, but 
the legislature chosen was almost unanimously Repub- 
lican. Of the 142,314 votes cast for Governor, Colonel 
Stone received 86,107, to General Tuttle's 56,132, with 75 
scattering. 578 Eastman's majority over Duncombe was 
even greater. Of the forty-six State senators, forty-two 
were listed as ' ' Unionists ' ' and only four as Democrats. 
In the House the Republicans did even better, electing 
eighty-seven to the Democrats ' five Representatives. The 
famous Dubuque district, the Forty-first, however, true 
to its traditions, chose a solid Democratic delegation of 
four. 

The result of the soldier vote was similar to that of 
1862. The same commissioners, with the exception of a 
few vacancies, were sent to take the vote in the army. 

57 s Iowa State Register, August 12, 1863. 

576 Iowa State Register, October 7, 1863. 

577 Iowa State Register, October 21, and November 4, 1863. 
078 Senate Journal, 1864, p. 38. 



CIVIL WAE AND RECONSTRUCTION PERIOD 201 

There were forty regiments of infantry, eight of cavalry, 
and three batteries participating in this election, and the 
vote for the head of the ticket was: for Colonel Stone 
16,791; for General Tuttle 2,904. Eastman's vote over 
that of Duncombe was again greater — 17,343 to 2,133. 
The soldier vote made no difference in the final result of 
the election. The regimental votes in the main were in 
accord with the prophecies made during the campaign, 
based upon the letters written by soldiers and resolutions 
passed by some of the regiments. In only two, the Forti- 
eth Infantry and a detachment of the Sixth Cavalry, did 
General Tuttle obtain a majority. 579 In four regiments 
the vote was about two to one, 580 while in most of them it 
was much more one-sided, even overwhelming for the 
Republicans. 581 Two, the Seventh Cavalry and the 
Fourth Battery, gave a unanimous vote for Stone. Gen- 
eral Williamson's Brigade was for Stone by a vote of 
1,378 to 318. Williamson lamented that, in comparison 
with the old regiments, the Sixth and Ninth, "It is not 
as good as it should be", for their vote was "most unan- 
imous for the Union ticket". 582 

The Republicans were satisfied now with their policy 
of maintaining an independent partisan organization. 
They had properly gauged their political assets and suc- 
cessfully maintained their supremacy. On the other hand 
the Democrats failed again in their double role. The 

579 Fortieth Infantry: Stone, 164; Tuttle, 177. Sixth Cavalry: Stone, 
56; Tuttle, 58. 

sso Thirtieth Infantry: Stone, 152; Tuttle, 90. Thirty -first Infantry: 
Stone, 167; Tuttle, 60. Thirty-fourth Infantry: Stone, 175; Tuttle, 67. 
Thirty-fifth Infantry: Stone, 211; Tuttle, 124. 

58i Fourth Infantry: Stone, 307; Tuttle, 18. Sixth Infantry: Stone, 
175; Tuttle, 9. Seventh Infantry: Stone, 297; Tuttle, 1. Ninth Infantry: 
Stone, 327; Tuttle, 6. Eighteenth Infantry: Stone, 267; Tuttle, 6. Twen- 
ty-fourth Infantry: Stone, 271; Tuttle, 10. 

582 iowa State Register, October 28, 1863. 



202 THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

question now was, in view of the near-at-hand Presi- 
dential campaign, would the Democrats be able to find an 
issue and get together? Would the Eepublicans persist 
in their partisan policy? If so, could they maintain their 
solidarity? 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 

Documents : 

Adjutant General's Reports 

Archives of Iowa 

Congressional Globe, 36th Congress and 37th Congress 

Fairall's Manual of Iowa Politics 

First Three Republican National Conventions — Proceedings 

House Journal, Eighth General Assembly, 1860; Extra Ses- 
sion, 1861 ; Ninth General Assembly, 1862 ; Extra Ses- 
sion, 1862 ; Tenth General Assembly, 1864 

Iowa Historical and Comparative Census, 1836-1880 

Iowa Legislative Documents 

Iowa Official Register, 1908-1910 

Laws of Iowa, 1862 ; 1864 ; Extra Session, 1861 ; Extra Ses- 
sion, 1862 

Richardson's Messages and State Papers of the Presidents, 
Vol. 

Senate Journal, Eighth General Assembly, 1860; Extra Ses- 
sion, 1861; Ninth General Assembly, 1862; Extra Ses- 
sion, 1862 ; Tenth General Assembly, 1864 

Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Governors 
of Iowa, Vol. II 

United States Statutes at Large 
Newspapers and Periodicals : 

Burlington Haivkeye 

Charles City Intelligencer 

Council Bluffs Bugle 

Davenport Democrat 

Davenport Gazette 

Dubuque Herald 

Dubuque Times 

Fort Dodge Republican 

Hamilton Freeman 

Iowa Democratic Enquirer 

Iowa State Journal 

Iowa State Press 



204 TEE POLITICS OF IOWA 

Iowa State Register 

Ioiva State Reporter 

Keokuk Gate City 

Lyons City Advocate 

Muscatine Daily Courier 

Muscatine Daily Journal 

Ottumiva Courier 

Netv York Tribune 

The American Historical Review, October, 1910 — Professor 
Wm. A. Dunning 's article on The Second Birth of the 
Republican Party, pp. 56-63. 

Annals of Iowa, Third Series, from 1893 

The Iowa Journal of History and Politics, from 1903 
Standard Works : 

Brigham's James Harlan in the Iowa Biographical Series 

Brindley 's History of Taxation in Iowa in the Ioiva Econom- 
ic History Series 

Chadwick's Causes of the Civil War, Vol. 19 of the Amer- 
ican Nation 

Dunning 's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction 

Dunning 's Reconstruction Political and Economic, Vol. 22 
of the American Nation 

Gregory's Samuel Freeman Miller in the Ioiva Biographical 
Series 

Nicolay and Hay's Abraham Lincoln, A History, Vol. II 
and III 

Pelzer's Augustus Caesar Dodge in the Iowa Biographical 
Series 

Rhodes' History of the United States from the Compromise 
of 1850, Vol. II and III 

Salter 's Life of James W. Grimes 

Shambaugh's History of the Constitutions of Iowa 



VITA 

The author, a native of Bloomington, Illinois, was graduated 
from Eureka College in 1896 with the degree B. S. The next 
year he entered the faculty of the institution, at the same time 
pursuing a graduate course in History and Sociology, taking the 
degree of A. M. in 1900. From 1900 to 1904 he was instructor 
in History and Education. In 1900 he began graduate work in 
the University of Chicago, and at intervals prosecuted his studies 
in History and Political Science. Since 1904 he has occupied 
the chair of History in Drake University. Receiving a leave of 
absence for 1910-1911, he spent the year at Columbia University, 
doing special work in the field of Political Science. He was a 
member of the Board of Curators of The State Historical Society 
of Iowa during the period from 1906 to 1910. He has contrib- 
uted to papers of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, 
and has published several minor articles and an outline of Civil 
Government, besides contributing papers and addresses to clubs 
and associations. 






LENlr'12 



THE POLITICS OF IOWA 

DURING THE 

CIVIL WAE AND EECONSTKUCTION 



OLYNTHUS B. CLARK, A. M. 

PltOFFESSOR OF HISTORY IN DRAKE UNIVERSITY 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

IN THE 

FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 



THE CLIO PRESS 

IOWA CITY, IOWA 

1911 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




